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LIBRARY 

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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


LETTERS  FOE  THE  PEOPLE, 

ON    THE 

PRESENT  CRISIS. 


1.  SLAVERY  IN  MISSOURI— Eapidly  declining. 

2.  NEBRASKA  TERRITORY— Where  is  it  ?  and  What  is  it? 

3.  THE  AMERICAN  INDIANS— How  shall  the  Government 

treat  tlieni  ? 

4.  THE  PACIFIC  RAILROAD— Where  shall  it  run?  and 

Reasons  why. 

5.  COMPROMISES— How  kept,  and  what  their  effects. 

6.  THE  TRUE  PATRIOT'S  DUTIES  —  To  be  performed 

without  delay. 


NOTE  TO  THE  READER. 


I  have  lately  received,  from  an  esteemed  friend,  the  following  let 
ters.  They  were  written  in  reply  to  a  request  that  he  would  furnish 
me  his  opinions  of  the  influence  of  slavery,  upon  the  opening  of  Ne 
braska  Territory,  and  the  building  of  the  Pacific  Rail-road.  So  deep 
ly  have  they  interested  my  own  mind,  so  startling  are  some  of  the 
facts  disclosed,  and  so  beneficial  does  knowledge,  by  the  people,  con 
cerning  these  important  questions,  become  in  an  issue  like  the  present, 
that  I  have  deemed  it  my  duty  to  make  them  public.  1 

Every  one  who  reads  these  letters,  will  do  so  with  far  more  interest 
and  benefit,  if  he  has  before  him  some  one  of  the  large  maps  of  North 
America,  or  the  Western  States  and  Territories. 

As  they  are  sent  forth  for  the  benefit  of  the  masses,  I  would  re 
quest  every  gentleman  to  whom  they  are  sent,  to  give  them  the  widest 
circulation  in  his  power  ;  and  to  the  Press — that  mighty  engine  for 
good  or  evil  in  every  community — I  especially  commend  them  as  af 
fording  an  opportunity  of  vast  and  immediate  usefulness,  which  will 
be  endless  in  its  benefits  to  the  people. 

A.  H.  K. 

New  York,  Oct.  1st,  1853. 


LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE. 


LETTER  I. 

Saint  Louis,  June  1st,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND:  In  reply  to  your  letter,  requesting  me  to  give 
you  my  opinions  of  the  signs  of  the  times,  and  the  bearings  of  the 
great  national  questions  just,  now  to  be  settled,  as  they  have  been  pre 
sented  to  my  view  at  this  point,  —  a  point  so  deeply  interested  in  both 
the  subjects  you  inquire  about,  —  I  shall,  for  my  own  satisfaction,  as 
well  as  to  arrive  at  actual  facts,  give  them  a  practical  and  minute, 
as  well  as  philosophical  examination. 

Highly  as  you  estimate  the  importance  of  these  questions,  you  can 
not,  and  no  man  can,  calculate  a  tenth  of  the  influence  they  will  cx- 
ort  to  bless  our  land,  if  settled  aright.  We  are  passing  a  crisis,  and, 
if  our  country  and  our  Congress  do  their  duty  to  themselves,  to  uni 
versal  humanity,  and  to  Gocl,  all  will  be  well. 

You  inquire,  Flow  large  is  Nebraska  ?  What  are  its  soil  and  cli 
mate  ?  Will  it  ba  admitted  as  a  Territory  this  winter  ?  Will  it  be 
free?  Now,  there  are  preliminary  questions  and  side  issues,  which 
should  be  first  disposed  of,  to  come  to  a  true  understanding  of  the 
case  ;  and,  while  I  shall  treat  the  two  great  topics  in  all  my  letters, 
viz  : 

NEBRASKA   TERRITORY-^*  it  lefreel 


PACIFIC    RAILROAD  —  JFAere  shall  it  le  luiltl 
1  shall  examine,  in  my  first  letter, 

The  position  of  Missouri,  as  regards  Slavery—  Slavery  waning  in  Missouri  —  Size  and 
importance  of  Missouri  —  Slavery  unnatural  to  the  State  —  Re-election  of  Thomas 
H.  Bentou—  Why  debated  —  How  re-elected  —  internal  improvements—  State  ap 
propriations  —  Influx  of  foreigners  —  Influence  of  foreigners  on  Slavery  : 
And  I  proceed,  as  preliminary  to  the  admission  of  Nebraska,  to 
examine 

The  social  and  political  condi.ii.on  of  the  sovereign  State  of  Missouri. 
This  vast  State,  now  tin  frontier.  of  civilization  and  refinement  for 
tho  Atlantic  side  of  our  R3public,  is  destined,  before  many  years,  to 
be  the  very  center  of  the  nation,  in  business,  wealth,  and  population. 
The  position  of  this  State,  geographically,  is  but  poorly  understood 
by  the  nation  at  largo.  Its  northern  boundary,  if  extended  eastward, 
would  pass  through  the  city  of  New  York.  Its  southern  boundary, 


T= 


4          LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

the  famous  parallel  of  36°  30m.,  runs  through  Tennessee  and  North 
Carolina,  about  five  miles  south  of  their  nprfh  feojiftiplary.  On  the 
east  flows  the  Mississippi,  and,  on  the  west  tor  200  miles,  and  through 
the  whole  center  of  the  State,  rolls  the  Missouri,  measuring  by  its 
windings  more  than  600  miles  within  the  State.  From  the  Mississip. 
pi  to  the  Missouri,  the  State  is  about  220  miles  wide  ;  in  the  broadest 
part,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  western  meridian,  it  is  more  than  300 
miles. 

Saint  Louis,  the  future  metropolis  of  the  nation,  is  situated  on  the 
Mississippi  river,  midway  between  the  northern  and  southern  bounda 
ries  of  the  State,  and  is  on  the  same  line  with  the  city  of  Washington. 

All  the  land  north  of  the  Missouri,  and  a  strip  south  of  it,  reaching 
across  the  State,  is  suited  for  agriculture.  There  is  no  richer  land 
in  the  world,  none  which  can  produce  heavier  crops,  or  which  more 
readily  responds  to  the  exertions  of  the  husbandman.  The  southern 
half  of  the  State  consists  of  beautiful  grazing  lands,  interspersed  with 
mineral  sections,  which  alone  make  her  richer  than  any  other  State 
in  the  Union.  Such  is  the  State,  300  miles  from  north  to  south,  with 
an  average  breadth  of  231  miles. 

Missouri  is  one  of  those  States  "  blessed  "  with  the  curse  of  slavery, 
and  its  political  relations  to  the  Union  are  different  from  those  of  any 
other  State  in  the  confederacy.  Her  admission  was  a  cause  of  con. 
tention,  which  shook  the  whole  nation  to  its  center.  A  compromise 
was  effected.  Henry  Clay  brought  forward  an  agreement  between 
the  contending  parties,  to  which  they  assented.  But,  even  while  he 
produced  the  Missouri  Compromise,  while  he  himself  was  a  slave 
holder,  he  urged  the  citizens  of  Missouri  not  to  permit  the  introduc 
tion  of  slavery,  and  declared,  were  he  a  citizen  of  that  State,  he 
would  oppose  the  legalizing  of  slavery  there  with  all  his  ability. — 
Had  Missouri  but  heeded  his  prophetic  voice,  what  hundreds  of  thou 
sands  of  population,  what  tens  of  millions  of  moneys,  now  unpossess 
ed,  would  have  been  hers. 

But  slavery,  although  legalized  in  this  State,  has  never  flourished 
in  it  to  any  great  extent.  The  contest  concerning  its  admission  was 
so  fierce,  that  it  has  seemed  to  the  south  as  questionable,  whether  or 
not  slavery  could  maintain  the  foothold,  which  it  then  obtained.  And 
this  feeling  is  beginning  to  enter  the  minds  of  our  most  .discerning 
citizens  who  are  owners  of  slaves  ;  and  it  is  not  without  foundation. 
1  proceed  to  give  some  data,  to  show  that 

The  Institution  of  slavery  is  fast  crumbling,  and  is  soon  to  fall  in 
Missouri : 

I  state  as  an  indication  of  the  feeling  in  regard  to  slavery  in  Mis 
souri.. 

1.  The  re-election  of  Thomas  Ii.  Benton  to  Congress. 

In  the  midst  of  the  agitation  which  recently  pervaded  the  nation, 
and  the  threatened  division  of  the  Union,  the  Legislature  of  the  State 
of  Missouri  gave  in  their  pledge  of  adherence  to  a  Southern  Confede 
racy,  should  one  be  formed  ;  and  also  gave  instructions  to  their  Sen 
ators  arid  Representatives  how  to  vote,  in  all  cases  involving  slavery 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  5 

and  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  Mr.  Benton,  in  the  Senate,  disobeyed  these 
instructions,  and  refused  to  form  any  union  with  southern  nullifiers. 
This  called  down  the  wrath  of  the  slaveocracy  of  Missouri ;  he  \vi»s 
broken  of  the  honor  he  had  borne  for  thirty  years,  as  a  Senator  of 
this  State.  His  enemies  supposed  they  had  triumphed  ;  for  a  time, 
his  friends  almost  despaired  ;  but,  offering  himself  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Lower  House,  ho  was  elected.  He  now  holds  a  place,  as  far  as 
personal  influence  is  concerned,  more  powerful  than  before  ;  and  his 
friends  hope,  at  the  next  Senatorial  election,  to  place  him  in  the  seat 
at  present  occupied  by  Mr.  Atchison,  and  his  enemies  with  trembling 
are  expecting  it  will  be  done. 

The  defeat  of  Mr.  Benton  resulted  not  so  much  from  a  dislike  to 
his  sentiments,  as  from  fierce,  sudden  opposition,  which  dispirited  his 
friends,  while  he  was  not  present  to  reply,  or  encourage  them.  But 
they  have  rallied,  and  he  himself  upon  the  trail  of  Atchison,  with  the 
courage  and  the  strength  of  a  lion,  is  making  a  canvass  of  the  State. 

I  believe  it  is  the  policy  of  the  Whigs  throughout  the  Union,  to  per 
mit  slavery  to  take  its  natural  course,  to  neither  legislate  to  extend  it, 
nor  to  uproot  it ;  but  to  let  the  various  elements,  in  the  constitution  of 
a  free  and  Christian  nation  gradually,  but  surely,  eradicate  the  evil. 
in  Missouri,  the  Whig  party,  as  a  whole,  may  be  considered  as  Wil 
mot  Proviso  men,  who  would  not,  it  the  question  could  be  brought  up 
distinctly  by  itself,  do  any  thing  to  directly  continue,  or  propagate, 
slavery.  While  this  is  true,  so  long  as  Missouri  is  a  slave  State,  the 
great  parties  must  and  will  act  in  accordance  with  the  economy  of 
the  State,  and  may,  in  their  strifes,  leave  this  question  untouched. — 
Thus  it  is  with  the  Whig  party  of  Missouri. 

Mr.  Benton,  however,  is  a  democrat.  His  defeat  was  upon  the 
express  ground,  that  he  did  not  regard  the  slave  interest  of  Missouri. 
He  acknowledged  that  he  did  not,  and  declared  she  would  be  infinite 
ly  richer,  happier,  more  populous  and  prosperous,  were  she  free. 
He  eats  none  of  his  words,  he  takes  no  step  backward.  When  cast 
out  of  the  Senate,  speaking  to  his  enemies,  he  declares  that  should 
all  his  friends  desert  him,  he  would  alone  maintain  his  position  on 
this  question.  "  The  war  is  a  war  of  extermination,  and  the  war  is  but 
just  begun.''  Such  are  his  sentiments,  they  are  founded  upon  the 
glorious  scenes  which  rise  before  his  far-seeing  eye  in  the  future, 
when,  with  a  different  policy,  Missouri  having  marched  to  the  first 
rank  among  the  peerless  sisterhood  of  States,  his  statue  shall  be 
crowned  with  laurel,  and  his  name  honored  in  song,  as  her  noblest 
son.  He  cannot  fall  back  from  his  position,  for  the  longer  he  gazes, 
the  brighter  grows  the  vision,  and  the  louder  the  acclamations.  With 
such  sentiments  in  his  mouth,  was  he  re-elected  in  the  face  of  the 
most  violent  opposition  ;  and  with  such  sentiments  in  his  heart  are  the 
people  of  Missouri  preparing  to  elevate  him  again  to  the  Senate.  He 
could  be  elected  to  the  Senate  to-day,  if  the  question  were  proposed 
to  the  people.  The  instructions  he  disobeyed,  and  the  dissolution 
action  of  the  legislature,  are  to  day  hateful  and  odious  with  the  peo 
ple.  Politically,  it  may  safely  be  set  down  that  three-fourths  of  1 


6  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

State  would  vote  against  slavery,  were  the  question  to  come  up  di 
rectly,  slavery  or  no  slavery  in  Missouri. 

I  mention  as  an  indication  that  slavery  is  soon  to  fall  in  Missouri, 

2.  The  progress  of  Internal  Improvements. 

It  is  a  common  saying  in  this  State,  "one  German  knocks  out  three 
slaves,  one  Irishman  two;'7  and  it  is  as  true  as  common.  Labor  is 
very  high,  white  servants  can  not  be  obtained,  and  the  owners  of 
slaves  let  them  at  high  prices.  This  diminution  of  hands  on  the 
plantations  makes  the  price  of  those  retained  still  higher ;  and,  in 
this  manner,  a  demand  is  produced  for  slave  labor,  which  would  not 
exist  in  the  -State,  could  those  who  "  hire,"  and  do  not  "  own,"  sup 
ply  themselves  with  white  help. 

Legislative  aid,  amounting  to  more  than  $8,000,000,  has  just  been 

f  ranted  to  various  railroads  in  the  State.  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph, 
1,500,000  ;  Pacific,  $3,000,000  ;  South  Western,  $1,000,000  :  Iron 
Mountain,  $T50,000  ;  North  Missouri,  $2,000,000.  All  of  these 
roads  will  be  in  progress  this  year,  and  they  will  produce  a  vast  influx 
of  foreign  population.  Wherever  these  roads  run,  the  families  of  labor-  • 
ers  can  find,  within  a  few  miles,  employment  and  good  wages.  Labor, 
being  high  in  all  departments,  many  will  leave  the  employ  of  the 
contractors,  tind  become  residents  of  the  various  towns  and  cities. 

When  the  roads  are  completed,  the  State  will  find  some  15,000  or 
20,000  foreign  population,  within  its  borders,  ready  to  do  any  kind  of 
work  that  may  be  offered, — a  population  which  will  tell  politically  as 
well  as  socially,  upon  the  system  of  slavery.  This  State  has  never 
before  offered  for  construction  any  public  work,  either  railroad  or 
canal,  so  much  the  delight  of  the  foreign  population.  There  has  been 
no  excitement  to  call  them  hither.  But  now,  the  time  has  corne,  the 
people  demand  improvements  in  transportation,  travel,  mails,  and  they 
will  have  them.  Each  section,  jealous  of  every  other,  demands  them 
at  the  same  time  ;  and  the  next  five  years  will  witness  an  immigra 
tion  of  foreigners  into  this  State,  which  will  have  no  parallel  in  the 
West.  Many  are  now  in  the  State,  scattered  in  every  direction, 
ready  to  give  their  brethren  a  hearty  welcome,  and  point  out  to  them 
the  speediest  and  richest  avenues  to  a  competency,  when  they  shall 
come  among  them. 

Nor  is  this  all.  A  great  portion  of  the  foreign  population  of  our 
country  congregate  in  large  towns,  and  go  from  one  place  to  another 
where  the  stages  of  travel  are  easy,  quick,  and  cheap,  taking  em 
ployment  wherever  they  can  find  it,  and  hearing  of  all  good  openings 
for  labor  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  road.  Thus,  when  these  shall 
be  all  completed,  and  in  regular  operation,  they  will  steadily  and  ra 
pidly  furnish  to  the  State  free  labor. 

It  is  probable  that,  within  five  years,  as  the  direct  result  of  the 
building  of  these  railroads,  15,000  men,  not  now  in  the  State,  will  be 
introduced;  and  of  women  and  children  belonging  to  them  able  to 
labor,  there  will  be  15,000  more.  In  the  same*  time,  the  increase  of 
the  whole  slave  population  will  not  exceed  15,000,  and  they,  too,  al 
most  all  young  children, — a  burden  and  expense  to  their  owners  for 
the  first  twelve  years. 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  7 

Thus,  while  the  whole  increase  of  the  efficient  slave-working  force, 
for  the  next  ftve  years,  will  probably  be  less  than  four  thousand,  the 
efficient  white  force,  of  foreigners  alone,  will  amount  to  some  30,000, 
in  addition  to  the  children  they  will  bring  with  them  and  produce,  in 
that  period. 

Wherever  in  a  slave  State  a  foreigner  goes,  he  not  only  creates  a 
competition  disadvantageous  to  slave  labor,  but  carries  absolute  op. 
position  to  it  with  him.  There  are  every  where  in  slave  States, 
thousands  of  men,  who  would  rather  hire  a  man  and  pay  him  for  his 
services,  than  hire  a  slave,  and  pay  a  master  for  his  labor.  Although 
the  deepest  love  often  exists  between  a  master  and  slave,  it  is  rare 
indeed  that  it  springs  up  between  the  hirer  and  the  slave.  On  the 
other  hand,  friendship  does  constantly  spring  up  between  the  employ 
er  and  the  employed,  where  both  are  voluntary  in  their  mutual  agree- 
ment.  Almoirt  unconsciously  to  themselves,  this  class  which  is  vast 
ly  the  majority  in  this  State  will,  with  the  supply  of  free  Isbor,  en. 
tirely  withdraw  their  support  from  the  institution  of  slavery,  and 
gradually  look  upon  it  as  a  nuisance,  and  a  disadvantage  to  the  com 
munity  ;'"  and  then  desire,  and  at  last  take  steps  to  rid  themselves  of 
it.  This  is  the  inevitable  course  of  things. 

More  anon. 

Yours  truly,  LYNCEUS. 


•LETTER  II, 

Decline  of  Slavery  in  Missouri,  continued— Saint  Louis— Population— Slaves— Free 
element— Situation— Rivers— Railroads— Prospects— Census— Slaves  in  Missouri- 
Farms  in  Missouri— Social  Distribution  of  Slaves— Number  of  efficient  Slaves- 
Ratio  of  Freedom— Free  Ratio  rapidly  increasing. 

Saint  Louis,  June  10th,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  In  my  last,  I  enumerated  some  of  the  indica 
tions,  that  slavery  is  soon  to  fall  in  the  State  of  Missouri.  I  will 
now  mention, 

3.  The  rapid  and,  healthy  growth  tfthis  nolle  city. 
Between  1840  and  1850,   Saint  Louis  gained  66,275  inhabitants. 
The  county  of  Saint  Louis,  including  the  city,  had,  in  1850, 105,064. 
What  character  of  population  was  that,  as  regards  the  question  before 
us?     There  are  now  in  Saint  Louis  county,  including  the  city,  but 
5,967  slaves,  while  the  whole  population  probably  exceeds  135,000 
so  that,  since  1840,  there   has   been  a  gain  on  the  side  of   ' 
very  in   Missouri,"  of  more  than  100,000,   in  twelve  years  in  a 
single  county.     This  100,000  are  worth  as  much  money  in  a  physi- 
caf  capacity  for  labor  alone,  as  the  87,000  slaves  of  the  State.      1  he 
State,  then,  has  gained  in  this  one  city  and  county  more  absolute  valu 
of  energy,  enterprise,  and  labor,  than  all  the  slave  property  of 
souri,  which   has  been  sixty  years  reaching  its  present  amount  a 
value. 


8          LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

Among  this  100,000  are  men  of  education  and  talent,  in  the  pulpit, 
at  the  bar,  and  in  the  hospital,  who  bring  to  us  the  honor  and  respect 
of  the  nation.  In  that  100,000,  also  can  be  found  more  than  three- 
fourths  of  the  capital  and  business  talent,  which  are  rolling  money 
so  rapidly  into  our  State,  and  exert  so  commanding  an  influence  over 
the  mercantile  interests  of  the  whole  of  the  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Il 
linois,  and  Ohio  valleys.  When  we  consider  not  only  the  bones, 
sinews,  and  muscles,  gained  since  1840,  here  in  our  own  city,  worth 
as  I  have  stated  more  than  all  the  slaves  in  Missouri,  but  add  to  that 
the  intelligence,  and  freedom  of  action,  of  this  mass  of  beings  ;  and 
then  add  to  that  the  vast  abilities,  the  capital,  and  the  influence  it 
possesses,  and  the  slavery  of  Missouri  fades  into  insignificance  be 
fore  it. 

But  the  growth  of  this  city  has  just  commenced.  Nature  has  pla 
ced  her  midway  between  the  springs  and  outlets  of  the  Mississippi, 
has  seatetl  her  between  the  mouths  of  the  Missouri  and  Ohio,  and 
pours  upon  her  bosom  the  waters  of  the  Illinois.  So  long  as  these 
mighty  rivers  shall  flow,  she  will  have  a  commerce  which  will  year 
by  year  increase. 

And  art  and  science  have  been  called  in,  to  assist  in  those  direc 
tions  where  mighty  rivers  do  not  flow.  Already,  by  her  steamers 
and  the  Alton  railroad,  she  is  pouring  supplies  of  merchandize  into 
Central  Illinois,  She  is  binding  herself  to  Oincinnati  by  iron  bands, 
to  make  it  but  a  stopping  station  between  New  York  and  the  metro 
polis.  [See  map.] 

She  is  building  a  railroad  to  bring  the  iron  mountain  within  her 
corporation.  She  is  constructing  another  to  turn  the  wealth  of  lowu 
and  Minnesota  into  her  bosom.  She  is  running  a  line  west  300  miles 
to  the  Indian  country,  there  to  cross  the  Missouri  into  the  fertile 
Platte  country,  thence  to  be  extended  to  the  Pacific  States  ;  and  she 
is  stretching  another  still  into  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas.  Such  arc 
her  prospects  ;  a  circle  of  a  thousand  miles,  north  and  west,  rolls  all 
its  commerce  and  products  into  her  marts  ;  and  as  these  countries 
increase  in  population  and  wealth,  so  must  increase  her  standing  and 
glory. 

It  is  true  that  our  papers  are  defiled  by  the  advertisements  of  slave- 
traders,  but  they  are  few.  Our  "Court-house  witnesses  the  sale,  in 
the  public  street,  of  "  God's  image  cut  in  ebony  ;"  and  yet,  this  is 
emphatically  a  free  city.  When  the  auctioneer  leaves  the  block,  the 
Abolitionist,  even,  may  mount  it  and  make  his  harangues,  and  be 
protected  by  the  masses.  Most  of  the  sales  are  for  debt,  or  to  close 
estates  in  accordance  with  the  statute  law.  As  a  city  belonging  to  a 
slave  State,  we  live  on,  and  try  to  be  peaceable,  and  obey  the  laws  ; 
seeing  a  brighter  and  happier  day  fast  approaching. 

But  while  St.  Louis  says  nothing  about  slavery,  she  nevertheless 
wishes  slavery  abolished.  Were  the  87,000  slaves  free,  there  would 
b«  a  more  brisk  circulation  of  money.  There  would  be  87,000  new 
consumers,  at  once,  in  the  State.  Labor  would  be  more  honorable, 
and  the  pursuits  of  agriculture  being  followed  with  more  energy, 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  9 

commerce  would  be  sensibly  increased.  But  St.  Louis  bides  her 
time.  She  is  attracting  the  eyes  of  the  whole  nation;  emigrants 
hear  of  her,  and  through  her  of  the  State,  and  in  armies  they  are 
coming  to  obtain  homes  on  her  fertile  lands.  The  day  hastens  when 
St.  Louis  shall  boast  her  500,000,  and  when  Missouri  shall  be  free. 

I  mention  as  another  indication, 

4.   The  developments  of  the  last  Census. 

I  have  with  great  care  prepared  the  following  original  statistical 
tables,  from  the  limited  sources  within  my  possession.  They  may 
be  depended  upon  as  correct ;  the  authority  upon  whose  data  they 
are  founded,  is  the  3d  edition  of  Richard  S.  Fisher's  Census  of  the 
U.S.  for  1851),  and  the  Family  Christian  Almanac,  for  1853. 

This  table  contains  a  statement  of  the  following  facts.  The  total 
population  ;  the  total  number  of  whites;  total  number  of  free  blacks; 
total  number  of  slaves;  proportion  of  free  persons  to  each  slave  ; 
proportion  of  slaves  to  each  farm  ;  proportion  of  slaves  to  each  free 
black.  These  items  are  calculated  for  each  of  the  slave  States  indi 
vidually,  t 


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STATES. 

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1 

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EH 

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EH 

"o 

Delaware, 

91,535 

71,289 

17,957 

2,289 

6,063 

39,0 

1.2 

3.7 

Maryland, 
Virginia, 

583,035 
1,421,661 

419,590 
894,204 

74,077 
53,929 

90,368 
472,528 

21,860 
77,015 

5.4 
2.0 

3.7 

8.7 

4.1 
6.1 

North  Carolina, 

868,903 

553,295 

27,196 

288,412 

56,916 

2.0 

10.6 

5.1 

South  Carolina, 
Georgia, 

663,507 
905,999 

274,647 
521,438 

8,851 
2,880 

385,009 
381,681 

27,868 
51,759 

0.13 
1.4 

43.0 
132.0 

11A 

Alabama, 

771,671 

426,507 

2,272 

342,892 

41,964 

1.2 

150.0 

8.2 

Mississippi, 
Louisiana, 

606,555 
511,974 

295,753 
255,416 

899 
17,537 

309,893 
239,021 

33,960 
13,422 

0.9 
1.1 

344.0 
13.6 

9.0 
17.8 

Texas, 

212,592 

154,102 

331 

53,161 

12,198 

2.6 

175.7 

4.7 

Florida, 

87,401^ 

47,167 

925 

39,309 

4,304 

1.2 

42.6 

9.1 

Kentucky, 

932,4115 

761,688 

9,736 

210981 

74,777 

3.6 

21.6 

2.8 

Tennessee, 
Missouri, 

1,002,625 

682,d43 

756,893 
592,077 

6,271 
2,544 

239,461 

87,422 

72.710 
54,453 

3.1 
6.9 

2S.O 
31.0 

3.2 
1.6 

Arkansas, 

209,639 

162,063 

589 

46,982 

17,758 

3.4 

79.7 

2.6 

Dist.  Columbia, 

51,687 

47,999 

3,683 

14(1 



By  this  table  it  appears,  that  while  Missouri  is  second  only  to  Tex 
as  in  size,  and  seventh  in  population  among  the  slave  States,  she  is 
the  eleventh  as  regards  her  slave  population.  She  is  also  the  fifth  in 
the  number  of  cultivated  farms.  But  more  to  the  purpose:  With 
the  exception  of  little  Delaware,  with  her  eight  free  blacks  to  every 
slave,  and  thirty-eigh  free  persons  to  every  slave,  and  but  one-third 
of  a  slave  to  work  a  plantation,  with  a  slave  increase  of  only  eighty- 
three  in  ten  years  ;  leaving  out  this  little  State,  Missouri  has  twice  as 
strong  a  free  element  within  her  as  any  other  slave  State  ! 

Slave  labor  is  especially  valuable  in  agricultural  pursuits,  where 
the  owner  can  feed  his  slaves,  and  clothe  them,  at  the  actual  cost  o! 
home  productions  of  food  and  clothing.  It  is  not  so  profitable 


10         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

where  all  they  eat  and  wear  must  be  purchased  at  high  market  pri 
ces.  It  is  profitable  where  one  man  can  control  and  oversee  the  la- 
bor  of  several  individuals,  in  reference  to  the  most  plain  kindsof  la» 
bor,  but  not  where  it  takes  one- half  the  time  of  a  man  worth  $1.50 
per  day,  to  ovorsee  a  slave  worth  75c.  per  day. 

I  will  make  a  brief  calculation,  respecting  what  division  could  be 
made  of  the  slaves  of  Missouri,  supposing  that  withdrawing  them 
from  all  other  occupations,  they  could  become  common  field  hands. 
There  are  87,422  slaves,  and  54,458  farms,  so  there  would  be  but 
1  6-10ths  slaves  to  work  each  farm. 

But  in  this  estimate,  we  have  considered  them  as  all  adults  and 
able  to  labor ;  wheras  the  truth  is  far  the  opposite.  There  are 
among  these  87,000,  at  least  one-third  \nho  are  unable,  on  account 
of  old  age,  sickness,  or  extreme  youth,  to  repay  their  masters  even 
for  the  food  and  clothing  they  consume  :  these  then  must  at  least  be 
subtracted  from  the  whole  sum,  and  it  stands  thus  87,422 — 27,140 
=60,282.  There  is  then  an  efficient  force,  capable  of  labor,  of  only 
60,228  to  work  54,453  farms,  or  only  one  and  one-tenth  slave  for  each 
farm. 

But  here  again  we  have  assumed,  that  this  60.228  were  all  males, 
whereas  one  half  of  them  are  women,  so  that  the  effective  male  force 
in  all  Missouri,  is  but  30,141  for  54,458  farms,  or  but  5^-tenthsof  a 
man  to  each  farm,  or  in  other  words  30,141  farms  have  each  one- 
male  slave,  somewhere  from  12  to  60  years  of  age,  while  24,327 
have  none  at  all. 

But  here  we  have  again  assumed,  that  only  one  male  slave  is  held 
by  a  master,  and  that  as  many  persons  as  possible,  are  implicated 
in  this  traffic.  It  must  now  be  considered,  that  slaves  are  owned 
generally  in  families,  or  gangs,  and  that  they  are  worked  in  num 
bers.  There  are  slaveholders  on  the  Missouri  river  who  hold  400, 
300,  200,  or  150,  slaves  apiece ;  then  there  are  some  who  own  30, 
40.  or  50,  an  1  many  who  own  from  10  to  25  ;  and  it  is  almost  uni 
versally  true,  that  where  a  man  has  anything  to  do  with  the  owning 
of  slaves,  he  has  not  less  than  from  4  to  7. 

Were  we  then  to  divide  the  number  of  efficient  male  slaves  by 
three,  we  should  fall  below  rather  than  exceed  their  true  distribution, 
among  the  population.  There  are  30,14)  male  working  slaves  ;  at  3 
to  each  plantation,  10,047  farms  would  be  supplied  with  slave  labor, 
leaving  44,401  farms  without  a  single  male  slave. 

But  again  we  must  make  a  deduction  :  we  have  based  these  vari 
ous  distributions  of  slaves,  upon  the  assumption  that  they  were  all 
farmers,  and  worked  on  plantations.  But  this  is  not  true,  many  are 
owned  by  merchants,  mechanics,  and  gentlemen  of  leisure,  and  to 
arrive  at  the  truth  in  reference  to  the  agricultural  slave  strength,  we 
must  deduct  some  5,000  choice  males,  who  are  engaged  as  house  ser. 
vants,  porters,  cartmen,  teamsters,  mechanics,  and  in  hemp  and  to. 
bacco  factories,  this  leaves  us  but  25.141  for  54.458  farms.  Three 
slaves  being  the  average  force  on  a  farm  gives  a  supply  to  but  8.143 
farms,  leaving  46.315  without  a  slave.  Such  is  beyond  a  doubt,  the 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  11 

absolute  condition,  of  the  slave  agricultural  interest  in  Missouri,  and 
if  slave  labor  is  profitable  any  where,  it  is  in  this  branch  of  industry. 

As  in  the  general  white  population,  so  in  general  negro  population, 
the  female  element  is  just  equal  to  the  male,  i.  e.,  the  two  sexes  vary 
but  slightly  as  regards  total  numbers.  So  that  if  we  can  settle  the 
true  distribution  of  the  males,  we  can  justly  apply  the  same  distri 
bution  to  the  females,  and  to  the  children  also.  It  will  however  be 
perceived  that  we  have,  in  all  our  calculations  thus  far,  been  to  high, 
for  we  have  allowed  to  each  male  and  female  over  16  years  of  age,  but 
one  child  under  that  age,  and  the  blacks  are  notoriously  prolific. 

What,  then,  is  the  fact,  as  rega rds  slavery  in  Missouri,  as  connect 
ed  with  the  agricultural  interest  of  the  State  ?  It  is,  that  while  there 
are  54.000  men  with  farms  under  cultivation,  there  are  8J43  who 
own  slaves,  and  work  their  land  with  them  ;  while  there  are  46.315 
who  will  not  touch  or  use  the  system  for  their  own  aggrandizement, 
and  who,  when  it  shall  come  to  the  issue,  "  Shall  slavery  continue 
longer  in  Missouri  ?  "  will  cast  six  votes  against  it  lor  every  one  the 
slave  farmers  of  Missouri  will  cast  for  it. 

Let  us,  in  the  next  place,  consider  the  social  distribution  of  the 
slaves,  as  regards  the  whole  population  jof  the  State  : 

The  census  states  that  there  are  100.089  families  in  the  State. 
The  slaves  in  the  census  are  not  counted  in  families  by  themselves  ; 
the  white  families  only  are  counted,  and  the  slaves  counted  as  be- 
longing  to  the  master.  The  average  size  of  the  families  of  this  State 
is  6  and  seven-tenths  to  each  familv.  At  this  rate,  were  they  count- 
ed  by  themselves  they  would  be  13.048  families  of  slaves,  which 
would  leave  87.842  free  families.  As  before  remarked,  slaves  are 
held  in  considerable  numbers,  when  held  at  all ;  and  each  real  slave- 
holder  generally  holds  as  much  as  one  family,  of  6  and  seven-tenths 
members.  But  by  no  means  to  over  estimate  the  matter,  we  will  as- 
sume,  that  each  slave-holding  family  holds  but  half  a  family  of  slaves, 
or,  3  and  four-tenths  slaves,  a  man,  a  woman,  a  child  from  7  to  14, 
and  1  from  1  to  7  years  old.  Every  one  acquainted  through  the  State 
will  know,  that  this  is  an  estimate  far  to  low  ;  but  upon  even  this 
basis,  let  us  proceed. 

There  will,  then,  be  in  Missouri  26.096  families,  holding  slaves  ; 
on  the  other  hand  including  the  slaves  held,  as  such,  there  are  74.794 
families  opposed  to  slavery, 

Politically,  however,  the  case  is  two-fold  : 

1.  If  the  question  of  gradual  emancipation,  should  be  acted  upon 
through  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State,  the  slaves,  according  to 
the  constitution  of  the  government,  must  be  counted  against  them- 
selves;  for,  in  the  apportionment  of  districts,  every  five  slaves  count 
as  three  freemen,  so  that  in  those  districts  where  slavery  is  strongest, 
and  could  perhaps  obtain  a  majority  vote,  there  fewer  votes  elect  a 
deleo-ate,  and  those  the  votes  of  their  masters  ;  we  must  therefore  add 
to  the  26.096  slave-holding  families,  three-fifths  of  slave-held  families, 
and  we  find  33,925  families  politically  efficient  for  slavery,  wl 
53,817  families  are  politically  efficient  against  it  in  the  State  legis 
lature. 


12  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

•2.  In  a  popular  vote. — Here  matters  assume  a  new  form.  Every 
white  citizen  votes  directly  upon  the  question  before  him  ;  here  the 
slave  population  make  no  difference,  they  neither  add  to  nor  detract 
from  the  strength  of  either  party,  and  the  families  holding  slaves 
come  directly  in  contact  with  those  who  do  not ;  or  28,096  families, 
are  opposed  by  53,817  families  holding  no  slaves. 

More  anon. 

Yours  truly,  LYNCEUS. 


LETTER  III. 

Decline  of  Slavery  in  Missouri,  continued — Ratio  of  Freedom  to  Slavery — Ratio  pro 
gressive — Slave  localities — Free  localities — Slave  Counties  retrograding — Project 
ed  Courses  of  Railroads — Distrust  of  Refractory  Slaves — Neglect  to  Import  Slaves 
— Removal  of  Planters  to  other  States — 'General  uneasiness  of  Masters — Extreme 
anxiety  respecting  the  organization  of  Nebraska. 

f  Saint  Louis,  June  20,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  In  rny  last  I  was  exhibiting  the  developments 
of  the  last  Census.  1  now  state,  as  a  proof  that  Missouri  is  to  be 
free, — 

5.   The  ratio  of  individual  freedom  to  individual  servitude. 

In  Missouri  there  are  594,621  free  persons,  and  8.7,422  slaves  ; 
there  are,  therefore,  in  the  State  6  9-10ths  free  persons  to  each  slave. 
For  every  gray-haired,  broken-down  old  slave,  there  are  seven  old 
white  men  ;  for  every  slave  in  the  vigor  and  prime  of  life,  there  are 
seven  white  men.  For  every  slave  woman,  a  maiden  or  a  mother, 
there  are  seven  white  women  ;  and  for  every  youth  or  infant  born 
and  held  as  a  slave,  there  are  seven  white  infants  or  youths  free. 
Now,  when  we  remember  that  one-third  of  these  slaves  are  so  young 
as  to  need  the  care  of  a  mother — that  where  a  slave  man  is  held, 
there  a  slave  woman  also  is  held  to  do  the  household  work  ;  and 
when  again  those  who  hold  them  strive  to  obtain  as  many  as  they 
can,  to  parcel  out  among  their  growing  families, we  find  that  generally 
only  as  many  white  persons  are  interested  in  the  holding  of  slaves  as 
there  are  slaves  to  be  held.  There  are,  then,  not  more  than  87,422 
persons,  old  and  young,  in  Missouri,  who  have  any  interest  or  profit 
from  the  holding  of  slaves  ;  and  thus,  for  every  one  who  favors  the 
institution,  there  are  six  who  oppose  it. 

In  what  light  does  this  place  the  institutibn  of  slavery  in  our  State  ? 
is  it  safe — is  it  a  delectable  position  to  own  slaves  here  1  It  seems 
to  me  the  most  uncomfortable  in  the  whole  world.  In  Kentucky, 
there  has  been  a  public  movement  to  bring  about  a  plan  of  gradual 
emancipation,  and  they  were  defeated  by  a  majority  of  about  one- 
third.  But  that  defeat  was  wrought  by  a  commingling  of  the  ques 
tion  with  party  prejudices  and  local  Interests,  and  by  a  fierce  ami 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  13 

overbearing  vindication  of  slavery.  But  compare,  for  one  moment, 
the  ratio  we  have  been  examining,  as  we  find  it  in  these  two  States. 
Kentucky  has  761,688  free  persons  ;  Missouri,  592,077  :  Kentucky 
has  210, 981  slaves;  Missouri,  87,422.  In  Kentucky,  there  are 
3  6-lOths  whites  to  each  slave  ;  in  Missouri  there  are  6  9-10ths 
whites  for  each  slave  :  so  that  Missouri  lacks  but  3-10ths  of  a  unit 
to  have  a  free  element  within  her  twice  as  great  as  that  in  Kentucky  ; 
and  the  element  of  freedom  in  Missouri  is  more  intelligent,  inftuen. 
tial,  and  wealthy,  as  a  whole,  than  in  Kentucky.  How,  then,  when 
the  masses  of  iMissouri  shall  demand  a  popular  vote — "  Slavery  or 
no  slavery  in  Missouri  ?"— how  will  the  decision  fall  ?  She  can  poll 
a  vote  for  freedom  twice  as  strong  as  that  of  Kentucky,  and  she  will 
find  more  powerful  advocates  to  urge  the  side  of  freedom. 

I  have  often  felt  that  I  should  like  to  write  upon  this  subject  for 
our  city  papers  ;    but  1    knew  they  would  not  publish  the  articles. 
Our  political  journals  make  their  bread  by  their  columns,  and  they 
therefore  follow  public  sentiment,  and  cater  to  it,  rather  than  lead  it. 
If,  however,  a  moderate  journal,  ably  conducted,  were  established  in 
this  city,  whose  avowed  object  was  to  bring  about,  in  the  best  manner, 
a  system  of  gradual  emancipation  for  our  State,  its  circulation  would 
be  immense,  and  its  usefulness  almost  without  a  limit.  <  It  will  not. 
however,   be  many  years  before  public  sentiment  will  have  so  far 
changed,  that  the *"•  "Republican,"  "Democrat,"  "Union,"  and  "In- 
telligencer,'''  will  all  stand  upon  the  free  side  of  the  question. 
1  mention,  as  another  indication, 
6.    The  steady  increase  of  this  ratio  of  freedom. 
In. the  year  1820,  before  Missouri  was  really  a  State,  there  were 
within  her  limits  5  5-10ths  free  persons  to  each  slave.     The  Com 
promise  passed, and  slavery  legalized,  a  heavy  immigration  from  slave 
States  commenced,  and  the  ratio  of  freedom  in  ten  years  sunk  one- 
fifth,  or  descended  from  5  5-lOths  to  4  5-lOths  white  men   for  each 
slave  ;  but,  true  to  nature  and  her  geographical  position,  the  free  ele 
ment  again  increased,  and  gained  in  the  next  ten  years  what  it  lost 
from  1820  to  1*30,  .so  that  in  1840  the  ratio  stood  again  at  5  5-lOths 
white  to  each  slave.     Since  that  it  has  gone  rapidly  forward,  and  in 
1850  had  gone,  in  ten  years,  from  5   5-lOths  to  6  9-lOths  free  to 
each  slave. 

What  will  the  end  of  these  things  be  ?     For  2'"»  years  the  i 
ment   faster  and   faster  has  been  outstripping  the  slave  element 
What  will  be  the  condition  of  Missouri  when  Jan.   1st,   1   60,  sha 
pour  its  iiMit  upon  us.  During  the  last  ten  years  the  free  increase  has 
been  8024000ths,  and  the  slave  507-lOOOths,  on  their  own  previous 
accumulations.     Now,  if  the  State  shall  increase  for  the  present  t 
vears  at  the  same  ratio,  it  will  gain,  by  January  1st,   1   80,  4*7 ,40 
freemen,  and  only  44,477  slaves  ;  and  the  total  population  wil    be 
1,070,542  freemen,  and  only  132,244  slaves,  or  a  ratio  of 
whites  to  every  slave.  .       .., 

But  will  this  be  the  increase  for  the  present  ten  years  ? 
not !  Slaves  in  great  numbers  were  brought  into  Missouri  up  to  1* 


14  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

Since  January,  1850,  scarce  a  slave  has  been  brought  into  Missouri. 
The  slaves  taken  away  by  masters  removing,  and  those  sold  South  on 
account  of  misdemeanors,  will  far  outnumber  those  now  brought  into 
the  State. 

Again  :  the  immigration  into  Missouri, up  to  1843,  had  been  almost 
entirely  from  the  South  ;  but  from  that  time,  a  foreign  and  northern 
immigration  set  in,  which  every  year  becomes  larger  and  stronger. 
All  the  men  drawn  hither  by  our  public  improvements,  will  come 
through  an  influence  which  never  before  existed.  Our  improvements, 
themselves,  making  us  the  centre  and  not  the  outskirt  of  the  nation, 
will  overcome  the  obstacles  of  time,  money,  and  distance,  which  have 
existed  heretofore,  and  so  greatly  retarded  our  settlement.  Our  rail- 
roads  will  also,  wherever  they  pass,  open  new  fields  for  investments, 
and  cultivation,  which  will  call  thousands,  and  hundreds  of  thousands, 
who  were  before  unheecftng,  to  come  and  settle  within  our  bounds. 
The  two  and  a  half  years  already  passed,  of  this  present  decade,  fully 
justify  the  assertion,  that  the  ratio  of  increase  will  be  double  that  of 
the  last  decade — that  the  increase  will  be  in  the  free  element,  and  that 
there  will  be  an  absolute  decrease  in  the  slave  element,  when  com- 
pared  with  itself  in  the  last  decade. 

I  mention,  as  further  evidence  that  Missouri  is  to  be  free, — 

7.   Some  particular  facts  respecting  slavery  m  this  State. 

And  let  us  briefly  contemplate  the  slave  localities,  and  the  localities 
of  present  immigration.  In  16  counties  lying  on  the  Missouri  river, 
there  are  41, 127  slaves  and  113,944  free.  This  may  emphatically  be 
called  the  slave  region.  Now  this  country  is  not  increasing  from  immi 
gration,  and  yet  it  is  the  country  possessing  the  slaves.  When  we 
consider  the  population  in  ]  840,  and  compare  it  with  1850,  we  shall  see 
that  some  of  the  wealthiest, largest,  and  most  populous  counties,  do  not 
make  even  the  progress  which  flows  from  the  natural  increase  of  the 
race.  Galloway,  in  1840,  had  11,765,  in  1850  13,828  ;  gain  in  ten 
years  only  2,063,  or  206  each  year.  Boone,  in  1840,  had  13,561,  in 
1850,  14,981;  gain  in  ten  years  only  1,420  —  only  142,  white 
and  black,  each  year.  Howard  had,  in  1840,  IS,  108,  in  1850  13,971; 
gain  in  ten  years  863,  oronly  56  in  each  year.  While  Cole,  in  1840, 
had  9,286,  in  1850  it  had  but  6,754  ;  having  in  ten  years  lost  2,532,  or 
253  each  year  !  —  Who  dare  say  that  slavery  is  not  a  Messing  and  a 
help  to  prosperity,  commerce,  and  population  ? 

Now  in  this  section  of  country,  in  these  sixteen  counties,  there  are 
but  2£  whites  for  each  slave.  There  must,  then,  be  other  portions  of 
the  State  in  which  the  free  element  as  far  exceeds  the  average  ratio 
(6  9-10ths)  as  in  these  counties  it  falls  below  it.  Such  a  locality  is  just 
opening  upon  the  line  of  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad!  In  the 
8  counties  through  which  this  road  runs,  there  are  49,007  freemen, 
and  5,553  slaves — i-e.t  nearly  ten  free  to  each  slave.  But  let  us  tako 
off  Marion  county,  which  is  in  the  slave  section  on  the  Mississippi 
river,  and  we  have  remaining  39,609  free  and  2,710  slaves,  or  1  slave 
to  14£  free. 

This  section,  more  than  200  miles  in  length,  opens  to  the  emigrant 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  15 

the  most  glorious  prospects.  Scarce  a  paper  came  to  us  all  the  spring, 
from  Glasgow,  Boonville,  Brunswick,  and  other  central  towns  upon 
the  river,  which  did  not  mention  that  the  steamboats  were  flooding  them 
with  men  on  their  way  to  visit  and  explore  the  country,  in  order  that 
they  might  enter  lands,  and  obtain  choice  locations.  For  weeks  their 
hotels  were  crowded  with  such  visitors,  either  going  or  returning. 
Many  also  came  down  from  Iowa,  and  many  passed  directly  west  from 
Quincy  and  Hannibal,  to  examine  the  country. 

The  line  of  the  railroad  has  been  entirely  settled,  arid  soon  as  the 
Railroad  Commissioners  have  indicated  their  choice  of  lands  for  the 
use  of  the  railroad,  there  will  be  a  greater  immigration  to  the  State 
than  it  has  ever  before  received. 

The  North  Missouri  railroad  also  opens  another  such  field,  it  cross- 
es  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad,  at  nearly  right  angles  near 
its  center. 

The  South- Western  road  also  runs,  for  two  hundred  miles,  through 
a  country  where  nature  makes  slavery  unprofitable,  and  where  the 
people  look  upon  it  with  great  displeasure.  T!*3  census  and  obser 
vation  will  show  the  most  thoughtless,  that  the  free  portions  of  the 
country  have  been  growing  for  the  last  few  years,  while  the  slave 
portions  have  been  standing  still,  or  even  losing  ground.  The  immi 
gration,  is  almost  entirely  from  the  Northern  States,  and  whether 
American  or  foreign,  hates  slavery. 

The  period  of  slavery  is  fixed  in  Missouri ;  there  is  no  vital  power 
in  the  institution  to  sustain  or  propagate  itself.  Being  a  selfish  and 
avaricious  system,  no  one  will  come  from  abroad  to  sustain  and  up 
hold  it ;  the  country  is  growing  away  from  it,  and  it  will^die  from 
being  overshadowed  by  an  uncongenial  tree — the  tree  of  absolute 
liberty,  whose  sap  is  the  dignity  of  labor,  whose  leaves  are  justice 
and  equality,  whose  fruits  are  peace,  wealth,  intelligence,  and  reli 
gion.  * 

8.   Slavery  feels  ilself  in  danger  in  Missouri. 

This  is  seen  in  various  ways.  One  is,  the  extreme  distrust  of  re 
fractory  slaves.  When  a  slave  does  wrong,  the  master  resorts  not 
"to  the  severer  punishments  usual  in  the  slave  States  ;  for  he  fears 
lest  his  servant  may,  with  the  morrow,  be  far  away  for  oast,  or  west, 
or  north.  The  slaves  in  this  State  are  treated  well,  very  well,  and 
that  of  necessity.  The  masters  try  to  govern  them  by  kindness,  in 
stead  of  violence,  and  yet  this  does  not  suffice  to  keep  tham. 
making  a  winter  collecting  tour,  it  is  a  matter  of  amazement,  as  lie 
pa«jea  from  county , to  county,  in  every  hotel  bar-room,  to  see  the  al 
most  countless  number  of  advertisements,  giving  descriptions  an< 
offering  rewards  for  runaway  slaves.  They  are  often  recaptured, 
and  are  immediately  sold  out  of  the  State,  lest  their  refractory  ex 
ample  should  become  contagious.  . 

Another  proof  is  the  neglect  to  procure  slaves.     Slaves  in  fl 
are  worth  from  $500  to  $1500,  while  in  Virginia  they  can  be  boug 
from  $250  to  $900.     They  rfan  be  transported  for  $2o  each.  ^ 
holders,  who  need  slaves  badly  to  work   their  plantations,  who 


16         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

gold  locked  in  their  coffers,  who  have  no  scruples  about  buying,  and 
selling,  and  owning,  and  working  slaves,  will  yet  not  lift  a  hand,  to 
bring  them  from  Virginia.  They  have  relatives  there,  from  whom 
or  through  whom  they  could  obtain  them.  They  are  constantly  visit- 
ing  there  themselves,  and  their  factors  are  passing  back  and  forth, 
and  yet  they  will  not  purchase  more.  Wherefore  ?  Laziness  ?  No. 
Contentment, with  present  possessions  ?  No.  Humanity  or  conscience? 
By  no  means.  What  then  ?  Nothing  but  fear.  The  same  avarice 
that  leads  them  to  hold  what  they  have,  is  a  check  upon  them,  and 
will  not  let  them  hold  more  ;  the  risk  is  too  great ;  they  long  to  do  it, 
but  dare  not  fill  iheir  desire. 

I  am  now  speaking  of  the  more  intelligent  and  observing  of  the 
planters,  not  those  who  can  not  write  their  names  to  a  note  of  hand, 
who  can  not  read  a  newspaper,  and  who  are  compelled,  in  all  busi 
ness  transactions  requiring  figures  or  writing,  to  trust  to  the  honesty 
of  an  amanuensis.  Such  men  know  riot  what  is  passing  in  the  coun 
try,  the  State,  or  even  county.  They  have  few  thoughts  which  strag 
gle  beyond  the  fences  of  their  farms,  or  ofF  from  the  highways. — 
Thinking,  clear-minded  planters. are  advising  theirchildren  and  friends 
not  to  entangle  themselves  with  this  unsafe  institution,  not  to  invest 
their  money  in  such  uncertain  property, they  say  to  them, "Keep  clear 
oi*  slavery  !  save  your  money  for  something  else  !  work  harder  your 
selves  and  hire  whites  ;  they  will  be  more  numerous  after  a  little." 

I  mention  also  the  EMIGRATION  of  slaves  and  masters  from  Missouri. 

Three  years  since,  two  planters  from  Virginia  moved  into  Andrew 
and  Holt,  with  some  forty  slaves.  In  less  than  two  years,  they  sold 
their  plantations,  and  returned  to  Virginia,  alleging  that  Missouri  was 
an  unsafe  country  to  hold  slaves. 

Some  of  the  heaviest  planters  in  Boone,  Callaway,  Chariton,  and 
Howard,  have  sold  their  lands,  and  have  gone  with  their  slaves  to  Tex 
as,  stating  that  a  change  was  soon  to  come  over  the  whole  State,  and 
they  were  unwilling  to  endanger  their  property  by  remaining,  or  to 
take  part  in  the  contest.  A  general  feeling  of  discontent  is  filling  tike 
minds  of  the  slaveholders.  There  are  too  many  foreigners  in  the 
country,  too  many  men  from  the  north,  too  many  poor  from  the  slave 
States,  who,  always  degraded  and  kept  down  by  the  competition  of 
slavery,  now  loathe  and  hate  it ;  there  are  too  many  of  all  these  class 
es,  for  the  intelligent  slaveholder  to  feel  at  ease  for  a  single  hour. 

The  minds  of  thousands  in  Missouri,  interested  in  slavery,  a*e 
turned  towards  Texas;  and  it  is  probable  that  in  1854,  there  will  be 
an  emigration  thither,  that  will  relieve  the  State»of  several  thousands 
of  slaves  The  planters  find  they  can  sell  their  lands  here  for  prices, 
which  well  pay  for  all  they  have  expended  on  them,  that  they  can  buy 
fine  farms  in  Texas,  at  government  prices,  where  their  slaves  will 
be  safe,  and  their  minds  free  from  care.  With  such  inducements  to 
draw,  and  such  fears  to  drive  them,  they  can  not,  and  will  not,  long 
remain  in  Missouri;  and  when  once  the  emigration  is  well  commen 
ced,  it  will  increase  with  great  rapiditjf. 

There  is,  also,  in  Missoui  i.  an  increasing  feeling  in  favor  of  freedom, 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  17 

on  the  part  of  many  masters.  Slaves  are  constantly  being  liberated, 
by  the  benevolence  of  their  masters,  both  during  the  life  of  the  own 
er,  and  also  at  his  death.  Many  slaves  are  buying  their  time,  and 
laying  up  what  they  can,  by  economy  and  industry,  towards  the  pur- 
chase  of  their  freedom ;  many  slaves  are  also  permitted  to  work  out 
their  freedom,  by  paying  to  their  masters  their  whole  earnings,  which 
are  credited  upon  an  agreed  amount,  which  they  are  to  pay  their 
masters  for  their  freedom. 

Others,  also,  would  free  their  slaves,  but  can  not  give  the  required 
bonds,  for  their  proper  conduct,  &c.  When,  however,  a  plan  ot 
gradual  emancipation  shall  be  adopted,  they  will  be  foremost  to  come 
out,  and  grant  freedom  to  their  servants. 

The  feeling  is  becoming  painful,  through  the  whole  State,  that 
slavery  is  retarding  its  growth,  depressing  its  industry,  bringing 
deterioration  upon  those  districts  where  it  most  abounds,  making  the 
men  supercilious,the  women  dolls, the  children  imbeciles.  The  old  men 
who,  at  the  formation  of  our  Siate  government,  helped  draft  our  con 
stitution  and  entailed  slavery  upon  us,  have  lived  to  see  the  day 
when  they  mourn  over  their  ignorance,  prejudice  and  folly  in  that 
step,  and  would  now  take  just  the  opposite  position. 

The  interest  felt,  by  the  State  in  the  questions  pending,  respecting 
Nebraska,  is  most  intense.  The  whole  free  element  sympathizes  with 
the  Missouri  compromise,  and  wishes  it  free.  The  slave  interest 
dare  scarce  speak,  in  their  fear  lest  it  should  be  so,  and  another 
wall  of  fire  be  planted  beyond  them.  Nebraska  must  be  a  free  State, 
whatever  Congress  may  do  about  it ;  and  this  dread  felt  by  the  slave 
owners  is  not  a  mere  imagination,  it  is  a  reality,  which  will  soon  be 
felt  through  every  inch  of  Missouri. 

Having  slumbered  for  years,  over  the  subject  of  common  schools, 
on  a  practical  and  useful  plan,  and  permitting  the  school  mojieytobe 
squandered  this  last  winter  the  Legislature  has  passed  a  general  com- 
mon-school  law,  upon  the  very  best  principles  adopted  by  other  States  ; 
so  that  those  coming  to  the  State  to  settle,  will  find  the  means  of  ed 
ucation  ready  for  their  use. 

Such  then  is  the  absolute  position  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  in  re 
gard  to  slavery.  And  what  a  view  does  it  present  to  .us  ! 
years,  this  institution  has  been  seeking  to  obtain  a  firm  hold  In  this 
region.  la  1820.  it  received  the  special  legislation  and  fostering 
ca're  and  protection  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  For  some 
20  years  it  was  almost  the  only  desirable  outlet  for  southern  emigra 
tion  ;  and  yet,  it  has  for  the  last  20  years  been  absolutely  losing 
ground  !  for  it  is  of  no  consequence  in  what  manner  it  is  brought 
about,  whether  by  increase  of  freedom  or  decrease  of  slavery,  tl 
the  free  element,  in  any  particular  State,  obtains  the  ascendancy  and 
overbalances  the  element  of  slavery. 

We  see  here  a  people  divided  in  her  public  policy  respectr 
social  evil,  and  wa<nn<r  a  fierce  war  against  the  imposition 
blight  and  incubus  upon  soil  yet  unpolluted  and  free  from  it; 

contact. 

B 


\ 

13  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

We  see  a  steady  emigration  from  the  free  States  rolling  into  Mis 
souri,  constantly  increasing  the  numbers,  the  influence  and  the 
strength  of  those,  who  long  to  see  this  evil  melt  away  from  the 
midst  of  the  land,  and  who  are  willing  to  adopt  any  judicious  and 
just  method  of  gradual  emancipation. 

We  see  a  mighly  State,  hitherto  careless  and  inactive  respecting 
her  own  interests,  rousing  herself  like  a  lion  to  the  work  of  public 
improvements,  and  throwing  open  her  bosom  and  extending  her  hands 
to  every  son  of  industry  and  toil,  in  every  department  of  labor. 

We  see  men  born  under  the  usages  and  prejudices  of  this  system, 
from  motives  of  prudence,  economy,  public;  good,  justice,  and  re- 
ligion,  turning  away  from  and  abandoning  a  system,  fraught  with  so 
much  against  which  the  finer  and  nobler  feelings  of  the  soul  must 
constantly  rebel. 

The  die  is  cast  in  Missouri.  Without  the  knowledge  or  intention 
of  any  man,  or  set  of  men,  natural  position,  the  peculiar  settlement 
of  other  portions  of  the  country,  and  the  energy  of  freedom,  have 
brought  things  to  the  condition  above  described.  The  currents  are 
set,  the  channels  cut;  and  no  action  of  Congress,  no  effort  or  ex- 
pense  of  the  slave  interest,  can  revive  the  element  of  slavery  in  this 
State  ;  faster  and  faster  must  it  fall  behind,  weaker  and  weaker  will 
grow  its  voice,  until  scarce  a  whisper  shall  it  breathe  in  the  councils 
of  the  State — till  scarce  a  feather's  weight  shall  it  -avail  in  the  policy 
of  the  people. 

God  himself  has  done  it,  he  has  overruled  circumstances,  and  pro- 
duced  causes  which  havethus  resulted.  Wellisit  that  it  hath  been  thus; 
happy  indeed  that  it  was  left  to  no  set  of  fanatical,  theorizing  aboli 
tionists ;  man  can  reap  no  glory  ;  no  effort  has  been  put  forth  by 
him  to  produce  it.  But  the  same  wisdom  and  power  which  planned 
and  produced  the  present  state  of  things,  still  are  engaged  to  prose 
cute  it  to  the  end.  The  circumstances  which  we  have  considered 
are  still  operating,  with  hourly-increasing  power.  Time  may  be 
necessary  to  its  full  completion  ;  but  sure  as  there  is  land  within 
her  borders,  or  dwellers  thereon,  slavery  on  that  soil  is  doomed  to 
extinction,  and  Missouri  will  be  free. 

Premising  that  I  have  satisfied  you  that  my  positions  are  correct, 
I  shall  in  my  next  proceed  directly  to  the  examination  of  the 
Immediate  Organization  of  Nebraska  Territory. 

Truly  yours, 

LYNCEUS. 


LETTER  IV. 

Louisiana  Territory-Division  into  States- Missouri  admitted  to  the  Union-Old  Bounda 
ries  of  Missouri — Prohibition  of  slavery — West  line  of  Louisiana  Territory— -Limits 
of  Nebraska — Indian  Republic — Soil — Timber — Population — Indian  Reservation* 
and  Treaties. 

Saint  Louis,  June  30,  1853 

My  DEAR  FRIEND  :    The  Mississippi  river  was  first  discovered, 
both  at  the  north  and  south,  by  the  French ;  and  all   the  lands  east 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  19 

and  west,  which  poured  their  waters  into  it,  were  claimed  as  theirs. 
All  east  of  the  Mississippi  arid  the  Canadas,  were  lost  in  war 
with  Great  Britain,  and  our  title  from  Great  Britain  extends  no 
further  west  than  the  center  of  the  Mississippi  river,  nor  south 
of  31  deg.  N.L.  ;  all  south  of  31  deg.  N.  L.  was  ceded  to  us  by 
Spain.  AH  west  of  the  Mississippi  was  claimed  by  France;  ex 
cept  Mexico,  which  was  conquered  by  Spain.  Near  the  close  of 
the  18th  century,  France  ceded  all  her  territory  to  Spain.  But 
in  1800,  Spain  re-ceded  this  same  territory  to  France  ;  and  in 
1803,  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  $15,000,000,  France  ceded 
it  to  the  United  Slates, 

In  all  these  transactions,  this  vast  country  passed  under  the  name 
of  the  k<  Louisiana  Territory. "  In  1804,  Congress  divided  it,  up 
on  the  line  of  32  deg.  N.L. ,  into  two  parts.  The  Southern  part 
was  called  the  Territory  of  Orleans,  (this  is  now  the  State  of  Lou 
isiana.)  The  Northern  part  was  called,  the  District  of  Louisiana. 
In  this  district  a  territorial  government  was  established,  and  it  was 
called  the  Territory  of  Louisiana.  In  1812,  its  name  was  again 
changed,  and  the  State  of  Louisiana  assuming  that  namp,  it  was 
called  the  Territory  of  Missouri.  In  1819,  that  portion  of  Mis 
souri  Territory  tying  south  of  36  deg.  30  min.  N.L.,  was  erected 
into  the  Territory  of  Arkansas,  and  is  now  the  State  of  Arkansas. 

In  1820,  Congress  gave  permission  to  the  inhabitants  of  Missouri 
Territory  to  form  a  constitution,  and  to  apply  for  admission  mto 
the  Union,  as  a  sovereign  State.  In  this  enactment,  which  em- 
bodies  the  Missouri  Compromise,  an  act  passed  with  so  much  dif 
ficulty,  we  find  the  following  statement  of  the  boundaries  of  the 
new  State  : 

"Section  second.  Thence  west  on  the  parallel  of  latitude  of  30 
deg.  30  min.  N.L.,  to  a  point  where  said  parallel  is  intersected  by  a 
meridian  line,  passing  through  the  middle  of  the  mouth  of  the  Kan- 
zas  river,  where  the  same  empties  into  the  Missouri  river;  thence 
from  the  point  aforesaid,  north,  along  the  said  meridian  line,  to  the 
intersection  of  the  parallel  of  latitude  which  passes  through  the  rapids 
of  the  river" Des  Moines,  making  the  said  line  to  correspond  with 
the  Indian  boundary  line  ;  thence  east,"  &c. 

[n  Secion  8,  respecting  slavery  :  "  And  be  it  further  enacted, 
That  in  all  that,  territory,  ceded  bv  France  to  the  United  State?, 
under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  86  deg.  30  min. 
N.L.,  not  included  within  the  limits  of  the  State  contemplated  by  this 
act,  slaver',;  and  ivcolu.nl.ary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  pums<.- 
rnfint  of  crimes,  \fhereof  the  parties  shall  have  been  duly  convic 
ted,  shall  be,  and  hereby  is  prohibited,  j or  ever. 

"Provid'-d  always,  That  any  person    escaping    into    the 
from   whom    labor    or  service  is  lawfully   claimed  in  any  State  o/ 
Territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  re 
claimed,  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  of 
service  as  aforesaid. 

"Approved  March  6,  1820." 


20  LETTERS  FOR,  THE  PEOPLE, 

In  1821,  Missouri  was  admitted  to  the  Union,  on  the  additional 
condition,  that  any  regular  citizen  of  any  State  in  the  Union  might 
freely  enter  her  bounds. 

The  line,  which  separated  the  Louisiana  Territory  from  the  Span- 
ish  or  Mexican  States,  is  as  follows : 

"The  boundary  line  between  the  two  countries  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  shall  begin  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river- 
Sabine,  in  the  sea,  continuing  north  along  the  western  bank  of  that 
river  to  the  32d  degree  of  latitude  ;  thence,  by  a  line  due  north,  to 
the  degree  of  latitude  where  it  strikes  the^Rio  Roxo  of  Natchitoches, 
or  Red  River;  then  following  the  course  of  the  Rio  Roxo  westward, 
to  the  degree  of  longitude  100  west  from  London,  and  23  from 
Washington;  then  crossing  the  said  Red  River,  and  running  thence, 
by  a  line  due  north,  to  the  river  Arkansas  ;  thence  following  the 
course  of  the  southern  bank  of  the  Arkansas  to  its  source  ;  thence 
north  to  the  parallel  of  42  deg.  north  latitude,  and  thence  by  that 
parallel  of  latitude  to  the  South  Sea,"  (i.  e.  Pacific  Ocean.) 

The  present  States,  which  have  been  erected  out  of  this  Louisiana 
Territory,  bear  the  following  names  :  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missou 
ri,  Iowa.  They  all  horder  east  upon  the  Mississippi  river.  The  west 
Una  of  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  until  it  crosses  the  Red  River,  is  the 
same  as  the  old  dividing  line.  But  above  the  Red  River,  and  between 
it  and  the  Arkansas,  there  is  a  strip  of  the  old  Territory,  5  degrees 
30  minutes,  in  width.  This  strip  extends  Ideg.  30m.  north  of  the 
south  line  of  Missouri ;  here  the  Territory  widens,  stretching  from 
Western  Missouri  to  the  Rocky  mountains,  14  deg.  from  east  to  west 
and  4deg.  from  north  to  south  ;  at  the  latitude  of  42deg.  it  ex- 
tends  from  Western  Iowa  and  the  Upper  Missouri,  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean. 

We  inquire,  first,  What  portion  of  this  country  is  to  be  considered 
the  Nebraska  Territory  ?  Nebraska  is  the  Indian  name  for'the  Great 
River,  which  flows  into  the  Missouri,  near  Council  Bluffs,  common 
ly  called  by  its  Frenc.'i  name,  the  Platte.  To  me,  it  seems  that  the 
Nebraska  Territory  is  already  distinctly  marked  out,  by  present 
boundaries  and  past  legislation.  By  annexation  and  the  Mexican 
war,  the  United  States  have  acquired  Texas,  Utah,  New  Mexico,  and 
California.  But  all  these,  while  they  come  clear  up  to  the  old  boun 
dary  line,  do  not  pass  beyond  it,  so  that  upon  the  west  and  south  by 
these  new  States  and  Territories,  and  upon  the  east  by  Arkansas, 
Missouri,  and  Iowa,  it  is  hemmed  in.  The  latitude  of  42  deg.  north 
runs  from  the  Rocky  mountains  through  to  the  Pacific  ;  it  is  as  fine 
a  base  line  for  the  new  States  above,  as  any  that  could  be  selected  ; 
it  separates  California  and  Oregon  ;  it  bounds  Utah  on  the  north  ;  it 
divides  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  and  would  assist  in  the  surveys 
and  divisions  of  Missouri  Territory,  in  future  years.  [See  map.] 

It  has  been  often  suggested,  that  the  Nebraska  river  should  be  its 
northern  boundary.  But  the  whole  of  that  river  should  fall  within 
its  limits,  as  the  Territory  which  will  be  established,  north  .of  Ne 
braska,  will  have  within  its  center  the  Missouri  river,  and  all  her 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  21 

tine  large  tributaries  from  the  north  ;  the  Missouri,  a  stream  naviga 
ble  for  the  largest  boats;  whereas,  Nebraska  would  have  but  two 
rivers  within  her  borders — the  Kanzas  and  the  Platte,  neither  of  them 
in  the  least  navigable. 

It  has  been  urged,  that  »t  extends  no  further  south  than  a  line 
drawn  from  the  Arkansas  river,  in  37  deg.  40m.,  north  latitude. — 
This  leaves  a  point  of  the  old  Louisiana  Territory,  longitudinally 
5  deg.  30m.  wide,  and  latitudinally  4  deg.  long.  But  as  the  Missou 
ri  Compromise  legislated  upon  a  portion  of  this  country,  and  fixed  a 
standard  line  for  the  separation  of  the  country  ypon  a  most  important 
subject,  it  seems  to  me,  that  precedent  and  justice  require,  that  the 
north  Should  yield  all  below  that  line,  and  that  the  south  should  ask 
nothing  north  of  it.  Let  the  line  of  36  deg.  30rn. — the  south  line  of 
Missouri — the  Compromise  line — be  the  southern-most  boundary,  and 
let  the  remaining  part  fall  to  Texas,  to  help  form  the  new  free  State 
there. 

The  limits,  as  we  have  described  them,  make  the  new  Territory, 
at  the  east  end,  about  350  miles  from  north  to  south  ;  at  the  western 
extremity  about  200  miles,  having  an  average  width  of  about  240 
tniles,and  running  back  from  the  State  of  Missouri  to  the  Rocky  moun 
tains.  Such  are  the  limits  which  seem  naturally  to  belong  to  it.  It 
trenches  upon  no  new  possessions,  and  it  is  governed  by  the  two  great 
lines  of  36deg.  30m.  and  42deg.  north  latitude.  No  mistake  can 
ever  occur  concerning  its  boundaries,  for  they  are  lines  already 
settled. 

Are  there  inhabitants  in  this  Territory  ?  There  are.  In  1803, 
Congress  authorized  the  President,  to  exchange  tracts  of  land  west 
of  the  Mississippi  for  lands  owned  by  Indians,  residing  east  of  the 
Mississippi. 

It  was  the  design  of  the  Government  to  collect  the  Indian  tribes, 
from  among  the  various  States,  and,  locating  them  in  one  section  of 
country,  to  establish  a  simple  form  of  government,  and  erect  them 
into  a  Slate  by  themselves.  In  1825,  the  Kanzas  and  Osages,  with 
small  reservations  for  themselves,  ceded  to  the  United  States  all  their 
original  title  to  the  lands  upon  both  sides  of  the  Kanzas  river.  ^  In 
1833,  the  four  great  divisions  of  the  Pawnees  ceded  to  the  United 
States  all  their  claims  south  of  the  Platte,  Other  smaller  tribes  ce 
ded  to  the  Government  the  remainder  of  the  land,  lying  south  between 
Arkansas  and  the  old  Spanish  line. 

In  1830,  Congress  passed  special  enactments  in  reference  to  the 
removal  of  the  Indians,  and  the  division  of  this  country  for  their  re 
ception  ;  and  the  work  of  transplanting  was  commenced  with  vigor  ; 
$500,000  having  been  appropriated  to  enable  the  President  to  exe 
cute  the  provisions  of  the  act. 

There  are  now,  south  of  the  line  36deg.  30m.  north  latitude 
oroper  southern  boundary  of  Nebraska— the  Chickasaws,  Choctaws, 
Creeks,  Seminoles,  and  one  half  of  the  Cherokees.     North  of3 
30m..  are  one  half  the  Cherokees,  the  Osages,  Cherokee  reservation, 
l-Vyandots,  Potiowatomies,  Otawas,  Chippewas,  Peorias  and  Kaskas 


22  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

kias,  Wears  and  Pinkashaws,  Shawnees,  Kanzas,  Delawares,  Kicka- 
poes,  lowas,  Sacks  and  Foxes,  Half  Breeds,  Otoes,  and  Missourias. 
I  can  find  no  estimate  of  the  population  of  this  Territory  ;  but  it  is 
probable  that  there  are  not  more  than  12,000  in  the  tribes  north  of 
36deg.  30m.,  N.  L.  , 

Let  us  now  inquire,  Is  thi.s  country  desirable  to  settle  in  ? 

The  valley  of  the  Kanzas  to  its  head  waters,  is  a  rich  loam.  The 
valley  of  the  Platte  is  low,  but  for  some  250  miles  is  very  fertile, 
then  it  changes  to  a  deep  sand.  The  two  great  divides,  or  ridges, 
between  the  Arkansas  and  Kanzas,  and  the  Kanzas  and  Plalte,  are 
a  mixed  loam  and  sand,  or  gravel,  which  makes  a  delightful  soil  to 
till,  and  returns  heavy  crops.  The  divide,  between  the  Kanzas  and 
Platte,  is  more  beautiful  and  fertile  than  the  other.  The  valleys  are 
tolerably  supplied  with  timber.  There  is  also  some  timber  along  the 
Missouri  river,  and  a  slight  growth  is  found  along  the  small  streams. 
Coal  has  been  found  of  a  superior  quality  at  several  locations,  and 
there  are  indications  that  an  abundant  supply  will  be  found  for  the 
whole  Territory. 

The  O^age  orange  is  indigenous  to  the  southern  part  of  the  country, 
and  can  be  cultivated  with  the  greatest  ease  in  all  the  Territory  ;  so 
much  so,  that,  with  tolerable  attention,  three  years  will  produce 
hedges  sufficient  to  turn  any  stock.  The  want  of  timber  for  fencing 
is  thus  readily  supplied  to  the  prairie  land,  and  the  expense  of  clear 
ing  timbered  land,  fencing  and  bringing  it  into  cultivation,  far  exceed 
the  trouble,  time,  and  labor,  of  producing  the  finest  hedged  farms  in 
the  prairie  districts. 

The  want  of  materials  for  building  will  be  supplied  by  the  pine, 
brought  across  by  the  Hannibal  and  St,  Joseph  railroad,  which  can 
be  sold  by  that  route  lower  than  that  which  is  now  used  in  Western 
Missouri,  and  brought  up  the  river. 

The  want  of  lumber  will  aUo  lead  to  the  erection  of  brick,  stone, 
and  even  beautiful  free  stone  houses,  as  these  materials  can  be  abun 
dantly  obtained  in  various  localities.  Such  is  the  nature  of  the  coun 
try,  for  some  300  miles  w-est ;  then  there  are  fertile  divides,  and  fine 
rich  prairies,  scattered  over  a  country,  in  some  places  almost  barren. 

It  is  also  thought  that,  ere  long,  the  cutting  and  sawing  pine  will 
become  a  heavy  business  on  the  James  and  Sioux  rivers,  which  would 
place  this  country  on  an  equality  of  prices,  for  lumber  and  shingles 
with  the  States  on  the  Missisippi. 

All  these  things  considered,  there  is  no  section  of  the  United  Stales 
more  inviting  to  the  settler  than  this  Nebraska  Territory.  With  its 
clear  air,  crystal  streams,  far-stretching,  rolling,  flower-covered  prai 
ries,  it  is  no  wonder  the  remark  is  often  made,  that  no  one  has  set  his 
foot  on  it  who  has  not  wished  he  had  a  home  there  ;  and  until  the 
population  shall  have  reached  more  than  500,000  souls,  there  can  be 
no  lack  of  room,  or  choice  situations  for  the  immigrant. 

But  is  there  no  white  population  there  1 

At  Fort  Leavenworth,  there  is  a  reservation  of  nine  square  miles, 
belonging  to  the  United  States'  Government.  Here,  there  is  a  popu- 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  23 

»ation,  which  varies  greatly  according  to  the  season  of  the  year,  and 
the  demands  of  the  army,  numbering  in  officers,  soldiers,  civilians  in 
the  service  of  Government,  mechanics,  farmers,  teamsters,  &c.,  &e., 
from  400  to  1200  persons,  commonly  the  number  does  not  exceed  600. 

There  are  also  various  missionary  stations,  belonging  to  the  Meth 
odists,  Presbyterians,  Baptists,  Quakers,  and  Catholics,  at  which 
more  or  less  white  persons  are  required,  as  teachers  and  instructors 
in  domestic  and  agricultural  pursuits.  There  are  also  the  United 
States'  mechanics,  located  by  treaties  among  the  tribes,  as  carpen 
ters,  blacksmiths,  and  farmers.  There  are  also  the  authorized  Indi 
an  traders,  the  Indian  agents,  and  the  authorized  agents  of  the  Ameri 
can  Fur  Company. 

Some  70  votes  were  polled  last  year,  when  a  delegate  was 
sent -from  Nebraska  to  Congress.  None  of  the  persons  at  Leaven- 
worth  were  included  in  this  number,  and  it  is  thought  not  more  than 
one  half  of  the  white  residents  voted  at  all.  These  are  the  only  white 
inhabitants  in  the  country. 

In  what  manner  do  the  Indians  hold  their  claim  1 

The  United  States  in  a  particular  treaty  express  the  consideration, 
in  behalf  of  which  the  grant  is  made.  The  boundaries  of  each 
tract  are  minutely  described,  and  many,  if  not  all  have  been  definitely 
run,  and  the  land  marks  set  up.  Under  the  solemn  promise  of  the  pro. 
lection  of  the  United  States,  these  lands  are  ceded  to  them.  The  In 
dians  on  their  part  agree  that,  should  they  ever  forsake  their  lands,  or 
their  tribe  become  extinct,  the  title  shall  revert  to  the  United  States. 
That  they  will  not  sell  any  of  the  soil  to  a  white  man,  and,  in  case  of 
sale,  the  United  States  shall  bs  the  buyers.  The  United  Slates  on  her 
part  promises  them  her  protection  forever,  if  they  choose  to  remain  ; 
and.  if  the  Indians  desire  it,  promises  to  execute  to  them  a  patent  for 
the  same.  The  United  States  promises,  that  she  will  remove,  by 
military  force,  any  man,  who  shall  attempt  to  settle,  or  shall  trespass 
upon,  these  lands  belonging  to  the  Indians. 

But  how  much  of  this  Territary  do  the  Indians  thus  own  ? 

The  portions  of  land  assigned  to  various  tribes  differ  greatly  in  size 
— almost  all  of  them  adjoin  Missouri,  and  stretch   back  west,  so  that 
there  is  no  western  line  that  is  common  to  any  two  of  them.   At  the  lat. 
3i>Jez.  30m.,  they  run  back  200  miles  ;   a  little  further  north,  20,  then 
00,  and  further  north  there  is  a  portion,  touching  the  line  of  Missouri, 
which  is  still  unalloted  to  any  tribe.     The  Kanzas  reservation  is  hack 
a  hundred  miles  from  the  Missouri  line,  and  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Kanzas  river,  and  is  some  25  miles  square.     The  Delaware,  Shaw- 
nee,  and  Kickapoo  reservations,  are  60,  70,  or  80  miles  long,  but  not 
of  a  great  width.     Then   some  small   tribes,   and  just   south  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Platte,  there  are  unassigned  lands.     Perhaps  the  Indu 
reservations  will  cover  one-eighlh  of  the  Territory.     Their  reserva 
tions  embrace  the  most  desirable  land,  i.  e.,  being  hunters,  they  e 
pecially  desired  the  timber,  and,  for  this   reason,  we  find  their 
vations"  running  west  upon  the  Arkansas,   and  the  Kanzas,  w 
the  divides  they  cling  to  the  Missouri  river,  and  Stale  boundary. 

More  anon.  Yours  truly,  LYNCEUS. 


24         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

LETTER  V. 

Disposition  of  Indian  Claims—Indians  growing  poorer— Shall  they  be  removed—Go 
vernment  by  Chiefs— Indians  defrauded— Allot  Lands  to  Indians— Sell  to  Actual 
Settlers— Maine  Liquor  Law— Payments  not  to  be  in  Money— Can  Settlers  enter 
the  Territory  now? 

Saint  Louis,  July  13th,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  How  should  the  Indian  claims  in  Nebraska  be 
disposed  ofl — This  is  a  question  of  great  perplexity,  and  of  the 
deepest  importance  to  our  government  and  to  the  Indians.  For  years 
the  Government  has  been  sustaining  the  Indians  upon  that  ground, 
— has  provided  that  country  for  them,  arid  given  them  to  understand 
that  it  was  their  last  remove,  and  that  they  need  go  no  further.  A 
large  part  of  their  annuities  have  been  paid  in  money.  The  result  of 
this  has  been  that  the  Indians  have  indulged  in  habits  of  laziness  and 
carelessness,  while  their  money  lasted,  making  no  provision  for  the 
future  ;  and  when  it  was  gone,  they  took  themselves  to  their  savage 
mode  of  life — hunting,  fishing,  and  living  on  the  spontaneous  produc 
tions  of  nature. 

The  lands  once  possessed  by  them  were  larger,  or  more  valuable, 
than  those  they  now  possess  ;  and  they  have  been  using  up  the  dif 
ference  between  their  old  and  new  homes  in  money,  stock,  ammuni 
tion,  blankets,  and  food,  which  the  Government  from  year  to  year  is 
paying  them.  So  that  to-day  they  are  in  reality  just  as  much  poorer 
than  they  were  then,  as  all  the  annuities  amount  to  which  they  have 
received  from  the  United  States,  to  the  present  time.  Would  it  be 
right  for  the  United  States  to  encourage  these  poor  Indians  to  make 
another  remove?  Shall  they  be  induced  to  sell  these  lands,  to  take- 
a  smaller  portion,  still  further  in  the  west,  for  a  new  borne  ;  and 
there  devour,  ten  years  to  corne,  the  difference  between  their  pre 
sent  and  new  home,  and  at  last  find  themselves  more  wretched,  more 
abject,  more  despised,  and  vastly  poorer  than  they  are  to-day. 

Besides  this,  where  shall  they  go  ?  Where  is  the  country  for  them 
to  live  in  ?  The  United  States  have  not  yet  extinguished  the  titles  of 
the  original  tribes  further  west.  They  must  first  prepare  another 
new  place  to  transplant  them.  When  that  is  done,  then  must  the 
hearts,  once  made  to  bleed,  as  they  were  torn  from  their  fathers' 
graves  to  come  west  of  the  Mississippi,  be  lacerated  again,  as  they 
take  up  their  mournful  march  towards  the  setting  sun.  Then  must 
all  the  teaching,  for  which  they  have  paid  so  much,  be  thrown  away  ; 
all  the  advance  made  toward  civilization  be  lost,  and  they  thrust 
back  into  barbarism  ;  then  must  the  few  intelligent  and  industrious 
among  them  either  leave  their  nation,  and  become  single  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  or  sacrifice  the  toil  of  years,  to  go  with  thei  r  friends 
into  the  wilderness,  there  to  be  pointed  at,  as  monuments,  that  it  is  in 
vain  for  the  Indian  to  attempt  to  live  or  amass  wealth  like  the  white- 
man. 
Tho  Indians  also  are  receding  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  25 

are  being  crowded  eastward  ;  and  the  two  approaching  tides  of  civil- 
ization  can  as  easily  and  humanely  sweep  around  these  Indians,  and 
permit  them  to  remain  in  their  present  homes,  as  to  bear  them  con 
stantly  tossed  upon  their  outmost  waves,  at  last  to  be  dashed  to  pieces, 
and  go  dowr-i  in  the  mad  confluence  of  the  waters. 

There  must  be  a  stop  made  somewhere.  From  Maine  to  Louisi 
ana,  scarce  an  Indian  remains  east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  middle 
meridian  of  the  United  States  runs  about  20  miles  west  of  Fort  Lea- 
venworth,  and  passes  through  more  than  half  of  the  tribes  of  which 
we  have  been  speaking.  Why  crowd  them  further?  Will  an  hour 
arrive  when  rest  can  be  more  easily  obtained  for  them? — when  they 
will  be  more  numerous  or  influential  ?  No  !  now  is  the  hour,  and 
their  own  gountry  is  the  place  for  their  salvation,  at  the  hands  of  a 
great,  powerful,  and  noble  nation. 

About  the  year  1800,  there  were  drawn  up  hypothetical  statistical 
tables,  of  the  future  population  of  the  United  States.  The  last  cen 
sus  verified  these  estimates  ;  the  census  of  1850  exceeding  the  esti 
mate  just  110,000.  That  table,  so  correct  for  the  past  fifty  years, 
estimates  the  population  of  the  United  State?  in  the  year  1901  at 
101,553,377.  In  1877  it  will  be  50,000,000.  Thus  in  24  years, 
there  will  be  twice  as  dense  a  population  as  ther?  is  now.  As  new 
places  always  furnish  great  opportunities  to  the  young  and  enterpri 
sing,  to  obtain  wealth  and  influence.  The  next  24  years  will  see  the 
whole  country  settled  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  and 
where  will  the  Indian's  foot  find  a  resting-place  if  he  is  again  re 
moved  ? 

Let  him  remain  ; — restrain  every  influence  which  would  degrade 
or  destroy  him  where  he  is; — surround  him  with  every  incentive  to 
bodily  and  intellectual  labor  and  advancement,  and  if  he  must  fall, 
let  him  fall  an  honored  relic  of  a  noble  race,  amid  the  love  and  sorrow 
of  his  greater  and  more  blest  white  brethren. 

There  are  at  present,"  two  things,  which  operate  against  the  ad 
vancement  of  the  Indians. 

1.  The  government  by  Chiefs.— The  chiefs  are  generally  such  by 
birth,  or  distinguished  subtlety,  or  physical  power  and  bravery  ;  not 
by  intelligence,  or  superior  integrity.     To  maintain  their  own  influ 
ence,  they  oppose  instruction,  and  the  adoption  of  the  habits  of  white 
men.     Their  position  affords  them  opportunities  of  great  gain.    In  all 
bargains  with  the  tribe,  the  chief,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  must  have 
thelargest  share.     They  are  the  veriest  petty  tyrants  over  their  own 
subjects,  and  there  is  scarce  one  whom   money  will   not  buy,  tc 
tray  the  interests  of  his  tribe.     This  evil  greatly  facilitates  the  other. 

2.  Defrauding  the  Indians  at  the  Government  payments.— It  is  no 
torious  throughout  the  West,  that  the  Indians  part  with  much  of 
money  for  scarcely  the  shadow   of   an  equivalent.     They  are  pei 
milted  to  run  up  accounts  before  the  annual  payments;   the  per 

to  whom  they  become  indebted  often  present  themselves  with  thei. 
books,  in  which  the  prices  charged  are  exorbitant  :  the  owing  Indi 
comes  up  for  his  money,  the  account  is   presented  ;    unabl. 


«6         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

•whether  it  is  correct  or  not,  the  Indian  acknowledges  his  indebtedness, 
the  money  is  counted  to  the  creditor,  the  Indian  taking  the  remainder, 
if  there  is  any. 

But  there  is  another  and  a  worse  way  than  this.  An  account,  is 
run  up  indiscriminately  with  a  nation  ;  then  the  chiefs  are  induced  to 
persuade  the  people  to  call  it  a  national  debt,  and  to  execute  a  note  for 
the  total  amount,  together  with  a  bonus  for  waiting  for  the  payment. 
This  nofe  is  to  be  paid  in  a  lump  out  of  the  national  annuity,  before  it 
is  individually  parcelled.  It  is  generally  believed  that,  in  these  trans 
actions,  there  has  been  the  greatest  dishonesty.  It  was  currently  re 
ported  in  this  city  last  winter,  that,  at  the  last  payment,  one  firm  in 
Western  Missouri  brought  in  an  order  on  one  tribs,  for  $80,000  which 
was  cashed,  although  it  left  a  part  of  the  tribe,  in  almost  a  starving 
condition  ;  and  yet,  you  can  not  persuade  business  men  here,  that  they 
were  entitled  to  more  than  one-third  that  amount. 

But  what  is  the  pecuniary  aspect  of  their  removal!  The  Indians 
have  made  some  advance,  and  while  the  chiefs  have  maintained  their 
influence  over  a  majority,  of  almost  every  tribe,  there  are  some,  who 
have  attended  to  education,  and  agriculture.  The  wild,  reckless, 
improvident  part,  as  their  annuities  are  drawing  to  an  end,  unused 
to  labor,  unlearned  to  business,  would  sell  out  again,  and  retreat  to 
the  wilderness.  But  the  better  portion,  who  have  built  houses,  and 
own  farms,  some  of  them  worth  $25.  per  aero,  wish  to  remain.  The 
tribes  are  begining  to  learn  the  value  of  improvements,  and  to  esti 
mate  the  value  of  land  by  that  in  Missouri.  The  eagerness,  also, 
manifested  by  the  whites  to  obtain  their  country,  has  aroused  them 
to  consider  its  value  : 

The  result  is,  that  some  of  the  tribes  would  prefer  not  to  sell  their 
lands  to  the  Government  at  all,  but  themselves  divide  them  into 
farms,  and  sell  them  to  actual  settlers,  at  the  best  rates.  Other  tribes 
would  be  glad  to  sell  a  portion  of  their  land,  and  retain  the  re- 
mainder. 

The  average  price  which  Government  has  paid  for  Indian  lands, 
is  about  26  cents  per  acre.  Some  of  these  Indian  reservations  would 
not  pay  the  Government  any  thing  for  btfytng.  But  it  is  probable 
that  the  Government  can  not  get  an  acre  less  than  50  cents  in  any 
tribe.  In  case  Government  should  attempt  the  purchase  of  the  whole 
of  the  land,  the  improvements,  and  the  unwillingness  of  the  Indians 
in  some  cases  to  remove,  would  bring  their  lands  above  tli.e  govern 
ment  price  for  its  own  lands,  and  it  could  not  buy.  The  United  States 
will  either  be  obliged  to  pay  the  Indians  their  price,  or  do  without  it. 
It  will  be  economy,  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  never  to  attempt 
their  removal. 

The  true  policy  of  our  government  would  le  this  :  To  act  only  as 
guardian  for  the  Indians,  in  their  disposal  of  their  own  lands.  To 
accomplish  this,  purchase  their  land  at  a  fair  valuation,  reserving  to 
each  male,  in  each  nation,  a  quarter-section  of  land  ;  &  if  they  choose 
to  buy  more  let  them  buy  it,  at  the  same  price  they  sell  it  to  the 
United  States. 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  27 

Each  Indian  should  be  made  to  select  his  own  quarter  seclion  ;  and 
in  cases  of  extreme  minority,  lei  the  parent  or  natural  guardian,  se 
lect  for  the  child.  This  gives  t:>  each  Indian  the  opportunity  to  re- 
tain,  or  buy  in,  nil  his  individual  improvements,  add  retains  to  each 
nation  all  its  buildings,  and  the  advance  it  has  made  in  civilization  ; 
and  by  thus  leaving  the  unoccupied  lands,  bring  them  at  a  reason- 
able  price  to  the  Government,  to  be  sold  at  government  prices  lo  while 
settlers. 

The  tracts  of  land  thus  reserved  to  each  individual,  should  be 
made  inalienable  and  untransferable  for  lum  and  his  heirs  for  the  period 
•of  15  years  :  and  in  case  any  family  should  become  extinct,  let  the 
land  be  said  and  the  proceeds  go  into  the  moneys  held  for  the  benefit 
of  the  tribe.  This  is  necessary,  that  the  Indian  should  not,  through 
his  own  laziness,  disaffection,  or  ignorance,  or  by  the  chicanery  or 
injustice  of  others,  dispose  of  his  lands,  and  his  family  be  left  with 
out  a  home.  A  patent  should  be  issued  for  each  particular  quarter- 
section,  to  the  person  to  whom  it  properly  belongs,  and  whether  he 
occupies  it  or  not,  should  be  reserved  for  him  and  his  heirs  until  the 
15  years  have  passed,  when  he  can  retain  or  dispose  of  it -as 
he  pleases. 

Let  the  remainder  of  the  country  be  sold,  not  to  speculators,  but 
to  actual  settlers.  The  whites  would,  in  a  few  months,  vastly  out 
number  the  Indians.  An  Indian  can  and  .will  work  lor  money,  as 
well  as  a  white  man;  there  will  be  among  the  new  comers,  a  great 
demand  for  laborers;  so  that  no  Indian  need,  or  can  starve  amon£ 
them;  and  they  will  learn  how  to  labor,  and  become  acquainted  with 
practical  agriculture.  The  Indians,  also,  will  be  stimulated  to  cul 
tivate  their  own  lands,  by  the  onward  progress  of  those  around  them, 
and  the  natural  preference  to  labor  for  one's  self,  rather  than  for 
another. 

The  proceeds  of  the  lands,  not  contained  in  the  above-mentioned 
reservations,  should  not  be  paid  to  the  Indians  in  money  ;  it  should 
all  be  funded,  and  the  annual  interest  should  be  expended  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  advance  their  civilization  and  interests,  and  in  such  a 
way,  that  they  can  not  squander  it.  Let  a  certain  number  of  houses 
be  erected  on  their  lands  annually,  worth  from  two  to  four  hundred 
dollars  each  ;  furnish  them  plows  and  implements  of  labor;  ndmit 
them  os  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Especially  give  their  children 
the  advantage  of  common  school  system,  which  should  be  projected 
for  all  the  State,  upon  a  basis  so  broad,  that  they  shall  be  absolutely 
free  ;  and  furnish  them  particular  facilities  for  attendance  upon 
these  schools. 

There  is  one  point  further,  of 'absolute  necessity.  Let  Congress 
pass  the  Maine  Liquor  Law,  as  an  eternal  ordinance  upon  its  admission. 
The  Maine  Liquor  Law  has  carried  away  much  glory  and  praise, 
which  does  not  rightfully  belong  to  it.  The  Nebraska  law,  which 
has  been  in  rigorous  operation  for  many  years,  makes  the  selling  o 
liquor  to  the  Indians  a  punishable  offence,  and  confiscation  of  liquor 
follows  the  act.  The  fire-water  must  be  kept  from  the  Indian,  or  he 


I 
28         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

is  ruined  ;  and  unless  congress  passes  a  law  for  the  whole  territory, 
it  will  be  impossible  to  discriminate  between  the  Indian  and  any 
other  person  in  the  traffic.  Congress  has  for  years  exercised  the 
power  to  forbid  anyone  to  sejl  to  the  Indians  intoxicating  drinks. 
She  is  sworn  to  protect  and  bless  them,  and  if  it  is  the  only  life  for 
these  nations,  that  it  be  kept  away,  Congress  has  the  right,  and 
every  thing  just  and  humane  demands,  that  it  be  an  eternal  statute 
of  the  Territory  and  Slate;  and  whoever  moves  in  there  will  do  so 
under  the  provision,  and  subject  to  it ;  and  it  never  can  be  anything 
but  a  blessing  to  the  State. 

Under  these  circumstances,  if  a  few  of  the  savage  or  dissolute  In- 
dians  shall  forsake  their  houses,  to  wander  away  and  perish,  or  be- 
come  incorporated  with  the  wild  tribes,  let  them  go!  it  is  far  belter 
thus,  than  to  endanger  the  existence  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  tribe. 
Our  govenment  is  not  to  blame  for  the  great  growth  and  prosperity 
of  our  nation,  nor  for  her  enterprise  and  love  of  progress  ;  but  it 
will  be,  to  blame,  if  it  permits  the  avarice  or  cupidity  of  any  set  of 
men  to  produce  measures,  which  shall  end  in  the  total  degradation 
and  ruin  of  the  red  men  of  America. 

The  Indians  should  remain  where  they  are, — should  have  the  full 
rights  of  citizenship, —  should  be  protected  from  the  presence  and 
temptations  of  "fire-water," — should  have  inalienable  homesteads, — 
should  be  surrounded  by  the  whites,  to  feel  the  impulse  of  the  energy, 
of  the  encircling  Saxon  spirit. — to  see  its  modes  of  agricultural  ac 
tion  ;  to  have  especial  access  to  its  sources  of  intellectual  elevation. 
Such  external  pressure  will  always  make  free  men  bestir  themselves. 

Our  nation  has  long  acted  on  the  belief,  "they  seern  destined  to  a 
slow  but  sure  extinction  " — that  they  could  riot  live  near,  or  with 
the  whites.  And  repeatedly,  when  they  were  just  giving  the  lie  to 
all  such  theories  and  forebodings,  they  have  been  seized  and  re 
moved  least  they  might  show  themselves  noble  men,  and  capable  of 
refinement,  intelligence,  and  piety. 

Should  these  Indians  refuse,  both  to  remove  and  sell,  the  United 
States,  by  her  treaties  is  bound,  by  military  force,  to  preserve  their 
present  territory  in  its  full  extent,  intact  from  the  white  man,  so 
long  as  one  representation  in  each  tribe  shall  remain  to  demand  it. 
When,  then,  their  right  is  so  clear,  their  title  so  firm,  let  us  seek  to 
continue  to  them  so  much  as  they  can  personally  use  ;  and  surroun 
ding  them  with  joined  hands,  seek  to  make  them  rise,  and  prosper,  as 
our  country  rises  higher  and  higher  in  honor,  wealth,  and  stability. 
Their  blood  beats  proudly  to-day,  in  the  veins  of  some  of  America's 
noblest  sons,  and  we  must  not  be  ashamed  of  their  companionship 
and  friendship. 

But  can  not  settlers  enter  that  Territory  now  ?  That  they  can  not  go 
into  the  sections  owned  by  the  Indians,  who  have  been  located  there  by  the 
Government,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  White  men,  by  the  treaties,  have 
the  right  of  passipg  through  these  districts  ;  but  the  United  States  war 
rants  to  the  Indians  that  they  will  remove  by  force  every  white  man  who 
shall  attempt  to  settle  there,  otherwise  than  according  to  the  acts  which 
regulate  the  intercourse  of  citizens  with  the  Indians. 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  29 

In  reference,  however,  to  the  remainder  of  the  territory,  not  assigned 
to  particular  tribes,  the  question  is  totally  different.  In  other  portions  of 
the  United  States  the  precedent  has  been,  to  let  settlers  enter  any  lands 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  U.S.,  where  there  were  no  treaties  containing 
definitive  grants  to  particular  tribes.  Such  has  been  the  case  in  California, 
in  Utah,  in  New  Mexico,  in  Minnesota,  in  Oregon,  and  in  every  State  in 
the  Union,  since  Daniel  Boone  entered  the  wilds  of  Kentucky.  If  the 
original  Indians  would  tolerate  the  pioneer,  the  United  States  would  per 
mit  him  to  go  where  he  pleased,  and  afterwards  would,  as  the  coutry  set 
tled,  purchase  of  the  Indians,  have  them  surveyed,  and  then  have  the 
occupants  take  out  their  regular  land  patents.  In  the  Territory  of  Ne 
braska,  the  United  States  have  purchased  the  ground,  first  of  France,  then 
from  the  Pawnees,  Kanzas,  and  other  original  tribes.  The  title  is  all  clear, 
and  rests  in  the  United  States.  They  have,  as  we  have  seen,  given  war 
rantee  deeds  or  titles  to  certain  portions  of  this  territory,  to  particular  In 
dian  tibes.  The  remainder  evidently  belongs  to  the  Government,  because, 
in  the  various  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes,  it  is  especially  stipulated  by 
the  United  States  that  the  grounds  not  assigned  to  particular  tribes,  "shall 
be  a  hunting-ground,  common  to  the  friendly  Indians,"  "during  the  pleas 
ure  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  ."'  Thus  the  word  of  the  Presi 
dent,  can  removo  from  the  uruissigned  part  of  the  Teriitory  the  last  in- 
curnbrance  or  bar  to  white  settlers ;  which  is  but  a  sufferance  of  com 
mon  occupation,  for  purposes  of  hunting. 

How,  without  a  special  act  of  Congress,  can  citizens  of  the  United 
States  be  excluded  from  this  Territory?  Should  white  settlers  occupy 
those  unassigned  lands,  the  law  regulating  intercourse  with  the  Indians 
will  apply  to  them,  as  much  as  they  now  do  to  the  inhabitants  of  Missouri. 
Are  not  the  individuals  composing  the  United  States,  the  actual  owners 
of  the  land  to  which  the  nation  has  an  unincumbered  title  1 

Bat  what  are  the  absolute  f actives  peeling  it  1  The  army  threatens  the 
forcible  expulsion  of  any  settler  on  the  Teriitory.  Whether  the  officers 
deem  this  the  teachingot  their  general  Indian  instructions,  or  have  special 
orders  therefor,  from  the  Government,  is  unknown. 

The  opinion  of  but  two  distinguished  men  have  been  made  public  upon 
this  subject.  Col.  Benton  has  just  published  a  letter,  in  reply  to  a  letter 
of  some  gentlemen  of  Jefferson  City,  who  ask  this  question.  Can  we  go 
there  to  settle  now  ?  Col.  Benton  says  any  one  now  has  an  absolute  right, 
to  enter  and  settle  in  that  portion  of  ihe  Territory  which  has  not  been  as 
signed  to  the  Indians.  Ho  advises  men  to  go,  and  asserts  that  hennas 
closely  examined  the  action  of  the  Government  in  reference  to  this 
ritory,  and  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  statutes  to  bar  their  entrance. 

On  the  other  hand  Senator  Atchison,  a  man  of  far  less  erudition,  accu 
racy,  and  ability,  insists  that  settlers  have  no  right  to  enter  the  Territory, 
and  should  be  expelled  by  military  force  if  they  attempt  it. 

Under  the  circumstances,  it  seems  to  me,  that  it  would   be  unwi 
the  settlers  to  enter,  before  permission  isAranted  by  the  general  ( 
ment,  as  it  might  embarrass  the  action  of  the  Administration,  in  prepar 
ing  the  Territory  for  occupation,  and  hinder  the   healthy   growth 
country  raiher  than  aid  it. 

At  the  same  time,  I  believe  it  the  duty  of  the  President  to  notify  tl 
dians,  that  the  whites,  from  henceforth,  have  a  right  to  settle  any  wh 
the  common  hunting-grounds,  and  are  not  to  be  molested    nor  ir       -n  arc 
to  molest  the  Indians,  Also  to  notify  white  settlers,  that  the  port 
braska  which  belong?  to  the  United   States  is  open  for  occupation,  a 


30         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

ihaf  ;is  soon  as  possible,  the  Indian  reservations  should  be  surveyed,  por 
tions  secured  to  the  Indians,  and  the  remainder  purchased  by  the  Govern 
ment  and  resold  to  settlers. 

More  anon.  ifours  truly,  LTNCEUS. 


LETTER  VI. 

Reasons  for  Speedy  Organization  of  Nebraska  Territory  —  Protection  to  Life  and 
Property— Economy  In  Army  Expenses— New  Post— New  Military  Road— Six 
Routes  proposed  for  Pacific  Railroad — Bridger's  Pass — Middle  Line  of  Population 
— Estimate  of  Time  to  build  the  Roa  d. 

Saint  Louis,  July  27th,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  There  are  many  and  weighty  reasons  why  Nebras 
ka  Territory  should  be  instantly  organized.  The  too  rapid  settlement  of 
a  country  is  deleterious  to  the  educational  and  moral  interests  of  a  people  ; 
it  is  well  that  population  should  not  be  too  long  pent  up,  and  then  permit 
ted  to  burst  suddenly  upon  a  new  country  ;  it  is  better  that  it  should  be 
somewhat  slowly  settled,  and  that  the  foundations  of  society  should  become 
fixed  and  sobered,  in  order  that  the  superstructure  may  be  solid  and  beau 
tiful.  Already  has  the  tide  in  that  direction  been  held  back  too  long  ;  it 
is  rising  higher  and  higher,  and  the  more  impetuous  will  be  the  flood,  the 
longer  it  is  restrained. 

The  United  States  should  furnish  protection  for  the  property  and  lives 
of  her  citizens,  within  her  own  borders.  There  is  yearly  an  immense  im 
migration  fromtiie  older  States  to  those  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  This  im 
migration  passes  through  Nebraska  Territory,  some  years  amounting  to 
more  than  80,000  persons.  Once  beyond  the  Missouri  river,  they  can  obtain 
no  provisions,  shelter,  nor  c-arein  sickness,  until  they  reach  the  Salt  Lake, 
a  distance  of  1,20G  miles.  If  this  country  was  once  thrown  open,  the  route 
would  be  immediately  settled  to  the  Salt  Lake  ;  thus  affording  ample  pro 
tection  against  the  recurrence  of  the  scenes  of  1850,  and  saving  thousands 
from  the  tnost  distressing  deaths,  fron^  exposure  and  starvation. 

The  Government  should  advance,  and  not  retard  the  prosperity  of  the 
people.  Were  this  Territory  organized,  not  only  would  the  emigrant  re 
ceive  protection  and  benefit  fiornthe  settlers,  but  the  settlers  would  re 
ceive  a  liberal  reward  for  their  services  ;  and  the  journey  being  stripped  of 
more  than  half  its  dangers,  the  immigration  would  far  more  than  be 
doubled. 

.  Economy  in  the  support  of  the  Army  requires  it. — At  the  last  session  of 
Congress,  an  appropriation  of  $60  000  was  made  for  the  building  of  a  new 
post  in  the  Territory  ;  a  post  capable  of  accommodating  about  1,000  offi- 
•cers  and  soldiers.  This  new  post  is  situated  140  miles  west  of  Fort  Leav- 
enworth,  among  the  branches  of  the  Kanzas.  [See  map.]  As  it  is  built 
to  a  great  extent  by  the  labor  of  soldiers;  and  as  all  the  materials  belong 
to  the  government,  the  appropriation  is  considered  as  equivalent  to  about 
•$150,000  worth  of  buildings,  andPvill  probably  be  the  best  and  most  com 
modious  post  in  the  United  States. 

$11.000  were  also  appropriated  for  the  new  military  road  from  Fort 
Leavenworth  to  the  new  post.  The  building  of  this  road  and-  post  is  be 
ing  pressed  with  the  utmost  energy,  and  the  post  is  expected  to  be  in  order 
to  receive  a  part  of  the  garrison  this  coming  fall.  Now  all  the  grain  and 
provisions  for  the  army,  unless  raised  in  the  Territory,  must  be  'brought 
from  Missouri  to  Leavenworth,  and  from  Leavenworth  to  the  new  post. 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  31 

The  opening  of  Nebraska  Avould  instantly  line  this  new  road,  and  a  sec 
tion  around  the  new  post,  with  good  industrious  farmers,  and  every  mile 
of  transportation  which  can  be  saved  upon  such  vast  quantities  of  domes 
tic  supplies,  will  be  a  great  saving  in  our  army  expenses. 

It  will  especially  facilitate  the  building  of  the  great  Pacific  Railway. 
The  fact  that  a  railway  is  to  be  built  connecting  the  Atlantic  and  Pa 
cific  States,  is  not  a  matter  of  question  ;  the  only  inquiry  now  agitated  is, 
Where  shall  the  line  run  ? 

As  might  be  expected,  there  are  extremes  to  this  question  as  well  as  ev 
ery  other.  One  route  proposed  is  in  a  region  of  almost  perpetual  snow  ; 
another  one  from  New  Orleans,  or  a  point  ou  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  located 
where  four  months  in  the  year  yellow  fever  is  rampant  against  life,  espe 
cially  the  life  of  men  of  colder  climates;  and  where  the  miasmatic  mala 
rias  forbid  men  out  after  sundown.  Another  route  is  proposed  from  ceun- 
cil  Bluffs  through  the  South  Pass.  Another  from  Memphis  to  Santa  Fe, 
and  thence  to  San  Francisco.  Another  from  St. Joseph,  by  the  South  Pass. 
Another  from  Kanzas,  through  Fremont's  undiscovered  pass,  and  New 
Mexico.  Thus  there  are  sixroads  proposed,  three  north  and  three  south. 
Or  three  that  go  by  the  South  Pass,  and  three  that  go  by  New  Mexico. 
Now  the  extreme  north  and  south  routes  are  so  impracticable  on  account 
of  the  poverty  of  the  countries  through  which  they  pass,  a  pover 
ty  not  only  of  inhabitants  but  even  of  fertility  ;  they  are  so  far  removed 
from  the  places  and  the  lines  which  demand  the  erection  oix  the  road,  that 
it  is  useless  to  talk  of  them  as  routes  for  a  national  road.  They  are  but 
local,  sectional  enterprises,  begging  for  the  national  adoption. 

San  Francisco  is  in  Lat.  N.  38  deg.  The  South  Pass  is  42deg.  SOmin. 
N.L.  Santa  Fe  is  35deg.  N.L.  So  that  the  difference  benveen  the  two 
points  is  about  375  miles.  The  Salt  Lake  City  is  in  Lat.  N.40deg.  15m. 
and  is  the  great  resting-place  on.  the  journey  to  California  and  Oregon.  Jf 
the  railroad  shall  run  through  the  South  Pass,  as  it  bends  south  again  to 
wards  California,  it  will  run  through  the  capital  of  Utah;  but  this  route 
through  the  South  Pass  bends  far  north  of  the  line  of  38deg.  N.L.;  Bridg 
et's  Pass  is  about  40  deg.  ;  LeavenworUi,  39deg.  SOtnin.  [See  map.] 

There  has  been,  within  the  past  year,  published  by  authority  of  Con 
gress,  a  report  of  Captain  Stansbury,  U.  S.  Engineer,  deputed  to  survey 
the  Great  Salt  Lake  Basin,  in  which  he  describes  a  new  pass  through  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  through  which  he  returned  with  his  party.  This  pass 
is  upon  the  direct  line  from  Fort  Leavenworth  to  San  Francisco.  The 
pass  is  called  "  Bridget's  Pass."  This  line*  would  run  through  the  most 
fertile,  level,  aud  beautiful  country,  that  exists  between  the  Western  Statea 
and  California. 

The  Memphis  road  lies  too  far  south,  and  the  Council  Bluffs  road  t 
far  north.     In  this  great  question,  as  the    Atlantic   and   Gulf  of  Mexico 
furnish  to  the  country,  within  500  miles  of  them,  great  facilities  to  dispose 
of  their  productions,  and  to  reap  the  advantages  of  commerce  ;  therefore, 
if  any  portion  of  the  country  should  have  the  benefit  of  the  road,  it  should 
be  that  remote  from  the  sea-board,  where  the  difficulties  of  disposing  ot 
produce  are  *reai,  as  regards  expense  of  transportation,  time,  and  danger. 
The  older  States  have  already  supplied  themselves  with  railroads,  to  si 
an  extent,  that  this  has  been  in  a  measure  overcome  ;  but  the  growth  ol 
north-western  part  of  our  country  is  so  rapid    and    tremendous,   tnj 
must  have  new  outlets  for  its  products.     Produce  now  passes  by  danger 
ous  navigation,  2,000  miles,  to  reach  the  Atlantic,  or  the  Gulf  of  Me: 
while   were  the  railroad  built,  fairly  where  ii  belongs,  in  a  centrnl  position, 


32 


LETTERS  FOR  THE   PEOPLE, 


they  could  by  the  same  distance  reach  the  Pacific  Ocean.  All  the  im 
portations  from  China,  California,  and  the  East  Indies,  of  which  they  make 
use,  make  circuits  of  from  5  to  20  thousand  miles  to  reach  them,  when 
by  the  Pacific  railroad,  they  could  come  in  from  2  to  8  thousand  miles. 

Now,  the  true  tine  for  the  road  is  that  which  will  give  accommodation  to 
the  greatest  number  of  citizens,  and  facilitate  the  purposes  of  commerce  for 
the  greatest  amount  of  territory  and  productions. 

Let  us  divide  the  United  States  into  three  portions,  as  follows:  Let 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  [owa,  and  Minnesota,  consti 
tute  the  North. 

Let  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania.  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Missouri, 
constitute  the  Middle.  [See  map.] 

Let  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Atkansas,  Texas,  Tennessee, 
Kentucky,  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  South,  and  we  arrive  at  the 
following  total  result, — that  there  are  in  the 

North,  .  .  .  6,734,215 

Middle,  .  .  .  7,146,515 


13,880,730 

South,  .  .  .  6,752,061 

free  persons. 

Now,  we  can  only  count  free  persons,  when  we  talk  of  a  railroad,  as  a 
means  of  travel.  Slaves  have  no  use  for  the  cars  ;  railroads,  having  free 
termini  are  bad  things  for  black  countries.  The  slaves  are  needed  at 
home  on  the  plantations,  and  we  must  leave  them  out  of  the  calculation 
of  passengers  needing  a  road. 

From  this  view,  there  are  two  persons  in  the  North  to  one  in  (he  South, 
who  would  have  occasion  to  travel  on  the  road,  and  who  are  personally 
interested  in  it;  and  we  see  that,  were  the  line  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific  to  divide  the  people  of  the  United  States  into  two  equal  parts,  it 
should  run  through  the  center  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indi 
ana,  Illinois,  and  cross  Missouri,  north  of  the  Missouri  river. 

But  this  is  not  the  exact  state  of  the  case,  as  it  in  reality  exists.  A  tabu 
lar  view  of  the  increase  of  free  population  shows  to  us,  that  what  we  have 
denominated  in  our  division  as  the  North  has  outstripped  the  South,  in 
population.  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  and  Minnesota,  are  yet  but  infants  among 
the  sisterhood  of  States  ;  but  are  destined,  every  year,  to  become  more 
populous  and  important.  The  Middle  also  of  the  Union  is  growing  faster 
than  the  South,  so  that  the  line  is  every  hour  being  drawn  to  the  north  of 
the  center  of  Pennsylvania. 


DECADE. 

North. 

Middle. 

South. 

1800 
1810 
1820 
1830 
1840 
1850. 

"385,565 
600,151 
595,581 
863,331 
1,045,077 
1,784,148 

231,914 
461,853 
825,741 
1,068,000 
1,915,667 
2,061,380 

478,276 
524,365 
822,343 
616,130 
796,135 
1,362,931 

4,600,180 

5,273,853 

6,570,562 

The  above  table' shows  the  increase  of  free  population,  in  each  decade 
immediately  preceding   the  year  written.       That  the   line  we   have  iu- 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  33 

Jicated,  or  one  north  of  it,  is  the  great  railroad  d  istrict  of  the  Uoited  States, 
is  evident  from  the  chains  of  road  which  are  running  parallel  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi.  There  is  a  line  which  starts  from  Boston, 
runs  through  Albany,  crosses  Niagara  Falls;  on  Jan.  16th,  1864,  to  be 
finished  to  Detroit  ;  from  Detroit,  it  now  runs  through  Michigan,  North 
ern  Indiana,  Chicago,  Aurora,  Galesburgli,  Quincy  ;  crossing  the  Missis 
sippi,  it  unites  with  the  Hannibal  and  Si.  Joseph  railroad,  which  is  to  be 
finished  to  Nebraska,  in  1855.  A  branch  from  Galesburgh  will  also  cross 
the  Mississippi  at  Burlington,  to  unite  with  the  Southern  Iowa  Railroad, 
to  the  Missouri  river.  Another  road  starts  from  New  York  city,  passes 
through  Dunkirk,  Cleveland,  Toledo,  Chicago,  Lasalle,  Rock  Island,  to 
cross  the  Mississippi  at  Davenport,  and  connect  wich  the  Iowa  Central 
Railroad,  from  Davenport  to  Council  Bluffs.  [See  map.] 

From  Chicago,  connecting  with  the  two  roads  already  mentioned,  an 
other  runs  to  Rockford  and  Galena,  and  crosses  the  Mississippi  at  Du- 
buque,  to  join  the  Iowa  Northern  Railroad.  A  splendid  road  is  being  run, 
trorn  St.  Louis  to- Cleveland  direct  ;  from  Cleveland  to  Columbus,  one  is 
in  operation.  From  Columbus,  one  is  building  to  Indianopolis;  from 
'Jiere,  to  Springfield  ;  from  there,  one  is  completed  to  Alton,  to  connect 
with  the  Missouri  River  Railroad.  There  is  also  a  road  from  Springfield 
to  Quincy,  to  meet  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  Railroad. 

From  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia,  roads  run  to  Pittsburgh,  to  Colum 
bus,  to  Cincinnati.  From  Cincinnati,  one  is  building  to  St.  Louis  ;  and 
from  St.  Louis,  50  miles  are  finished  on  the  line  to  Kanzas.  The  first 
road  that  will  reach  the  Missouri  river  will  be  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph 
road.  It  is  the  shortest  in  miles,  the  most  even  in  grade,  the  most  fertile 
in  soil,  and  the  one  which,  considering  its  eastern  connections,  will  pro 
bably  pay  the  best.  I  have  no  fear  for  this  city,  but  that  she  will  grow  to 
be  equal  to  any  inland  city  in  the  nation,  in  size  and  wealth,  but  we  may 
not  get  the  road  afier  all.  The  North  and  Middle  of  the  Union  can  not 
be  made  to  go  down  to  Tennessee,  to  ride  or  send  freight,  to  California  ; 
and,  perhaps,  we  may  not  get  it  even  here.  Let  it  go  where  right  demands 
it  should  go.  It  can  not  a;o  so  far  north  but  that,  by  our  North  Western 
roads,  we  can  turn  down  to  us  all  that  will  properly  belong  to  us,  and  can 
send  west  all  we  desue. 

Fort  Leavenworth  lies  just  upon    the  Great  Railroad  line,  through 
Middle  States.      If  the  Government  would  make  Leavenworth  the  eastern 
terminus  of  the  road,  and  run  it  due  west,  on  the  beautiful  divide  between 
the  waters  of  the  Kanzas  and  Platie,  which   stretches  west  for  51 
with  the  greatest  evenness  and  beauty  ;  thence  through  Bridged 
the  Salt  Lake,  then  to  San  Francisco,  or  the  borders  of  California— were 
Leavenworth  the  terminus,  it  could  cross  the  Missouri,  to  unite  wit 
projected  road,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Missouri    river  through  the  river 

C°ForteLeavenvvorth  is  situated,  to  a  mile,  just  halfway  between  Kan/as 
and  St.  Joseph— the  termini  of  the  two  roads,  which  will  first  r 
Nebraska  Territory.      Roads  could  b-  run,  from  each  of  these  points  to 
a  place  some  fifty  miles  back  from  Leavenworth  ;  here  would  spring  u 
a  large  city,  and  these  roads  could  have  an  equal  chance  for  tt 
of  the  main  road.     Let  the  roads,  from  the  west  side  of  Arkansas  and  the 
one  from  Council  Bluffs,  then,  be  run  so  as  to  meet  the  trunk,  fiol 
miles  west  of  Leavenworth  ;  and  here   let   another  large  cuy  sprmg  up, 
and  give  the  North  and  the  South  an  equal  chance  at  the  bus.n< 
plau  also  would  develope  Nebraska  to  the  greatest   possible  extent,  and 
C 


H         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

would  instantly  produce  a  heavy  way-travel,  on  these  roads.  This 
road  can  be  built  cheaper  and  better  than  any  other.  It  is  from  one  to 
two  hundred  miles  shorter  than  either  of  the  other  routes,  and  lies  through 
a  more  beautiful  and  fertile  country  than  any  other ;  .  and  what  if  it  does 
cost  more!  A  road  built  where  it  is  necded,*\$  in  reality  cheaper,  than 
one  built  at  less  expense  where  it  will  not  be  used  as  much. 

Two  bids  have  been  offered  to.  Congress,  to  build  the  road  from  the  Mis 
souri  to  San  Francisco  in  Jive  years,  giving  penal  bonds  for  its  completion 
at  the  specified  time.  We  argue,  that  Nebraska  should  be  speedily  ad 
mitted,  to  facilitate  this  work.  Let  us  briefly  make  a  calculation,  show 
ing  with  what  rapidity  this  work  must  be  pushed  forward,  in  order  to  ac 
complish  it,  according  to  the  contracts.  It  must  be  built  in  this  rapid 
manner,  for  the  amount  invested  can  not  be  permitted  to  lie  idle,  and  the 
only  thing,  which  should  limit  the  number  of  hands  and  the  pressing  of  the 
work,  should  be  that  ihe  capacity  of-  the  road  to  bring  materials  was  fully 
exhausted. 

In  ea*ch  year  are  365  days ;  deduct  65  days  for  Sabbaths  and  hollidayg, 
and  300  remain.  For  storms,  winter,  sickoess,  perhaps  a  sickly  season, 
deduct  100,  and  200  remain  ;  and  that  is  a  large  average  for  each  of  the 
live  years.  In  five  years,  there  will  be  1000  working  days  ;  and  there  are 
from  1800  to  2000  miles  of  road  to  be  built,  i.  e.,  two  miles  must  be  com 
menced  and  finished  each  day,  between  sunrise  and  sunset.  But  when  we 
remember  some  of  this  road  is  to  be  bridged,  miles  of  it  to  be  tunnelled,, 
and  all  the  timber  and  iron  to  be  carried  over  the  road  itself,  as  fast  as  it 
is  built,  as  well  as  the  carrying  of  fuel  to  the  various  engine  stations,  and 
food  for  the  workmen,  and  animals  ;  we  can  see  that,  at  the  eastern  end — 
at  Leavenworth — on  those  level  and  beautiful  prairies — it  must  be  built 
with  vastly  greater  rapidity,  than  at  a  thousand  miles  further  west.  So, 
that  when  it  starts  from  the  Missouri  river,  it  must  proceed  with  a  move 
ment  equal  to  more  than  five  miles  of  completed  road  every  day  the  hands 
work. 

The  country  knows  nothing  of  the  cost  of  transportation,  on  the  west 
ern  plains.  It  costs  the  United  States'  Government,  as  high  as  12  cents 
per  pound  to  carry  white  beans,  or  flour  to  the  army  in  New  Mexico. — 
Labor  is  high,  animals  are  high,  the  country  is  wild,  and  such  services 
cost  money.  Now,  for  two  or  three  hundred  miles  ahead  of  the  finished 
railroad,  must  all  food,  and  utensils,  and  timbers,  and  iron,  and  the  very 
corn  for  the  horses,  be  carried  by  teams,  unless  the  settlement  of  the  Ter 
ritory  is  granted  immediately.  Now,  the  whole  nation  has  a  deep  interest 
in  the  building  of  this  road,  and  in  its  immediate  construction.  The  body 
politic,  if  it  is  located  through  its  center,  must  ffeel  the  stimulus  to  its  re 
motest  corner.  California  needs,  and  demands  the  road,  while  itsopening 
would  equalize,  to  a  great  extent,  the  prices  of  merchandize,  mining  itself 
could  be  conducted  at  so  much  less  expense,  that  more  persons  would  en 
gage  in  it,  and  the  amount  of  actual  gold  would  be  greatly  increased.  The 
legitimate  commerce,  which  would  follow  from  being  connected  with  the 
center  of  the  Union,  would  ten  times  counterbalance  the  depreciation  of 
fictitious  prices  of  real  estate  and  property.  The  trade  of  China,  Japan, 
and  the  East  Indies,  which  would  pass  across  our  continent,  would  natu 
rally  seek  our  own  ships,  and  our  marine  influence,  both  upon  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific,  would  be  greatly  increased.  The  settlement  and  stocking  of 
Oregon  and  California  would  go  forward  with  surprising  strides.  This 
year,  the  population  of  the  United  States  will  increase  758,505  ;  in  1854, 
781,260  ;  so  that  every  two  years,  we  can  furnish  nearly  a  million  to  open 
and  possess  these  countries,  and  yet  gain  half  a  million  at  home  ! 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  .% 

We  have  seen  the  position,  occupied  by  the  population  east  of  Nebras 
ka  Territory.  Let  us,  fora  little,  examine  the  country  west  of  it.  While 
Texas  is  on  the  south,  there  is  a  fine  territorial  country  to  counterbalance 
it, on  th  e  north  of  Nebraska,  and  adjoining  Minnesota.  Going  further 
west,  we  come  to  New  Mexico  on  the  south  ;  nor^h  of  this  lies  the  Terri 
tory  of  Utah,  whose  north  boundary  is  the  line  of  42deg.  N.  L.,— the  line 
we  ask  for  Nebraska.  North  of  Utah,  to  balance  off  New  Mexico,  lies 
the  vast  fertile  basin  of  the  Yellow  Stone.  Next  west,  comes  California: 
North  California,  west  of  Utah  ;  South  California,  west  of  New  Mexico  : 
and  Oregon,  west  of  the  Yellow  Stone  Territory.  Now,  the  lines  of  ter 
ritory,  and  population,  and  equitable  location,  demand  that  this  road  shall 
not  go  through  New  Mexico,  but  through  Utah. 

Any  intelligent  man,  who  will  sit  down  and  take  his  map,  and  study 
the  increase  of  population,  and  the  directions  in  which  energy  and  en 
terprise  are  flowing,  will  find  that,  in  less  than  ten  years,  there  will  be  a 
population,  north  of  Bridger's  Pass,  equal  to  three  times  that  below  it. 

The  facts  at  present  are  these.  New  Mexico  has  a  population  of  some 
GO, 000  persons, — Indians,  Half-Breeds,  Spaniards,  and  Americans.  The 
Territory  north  of  Utah  is  full  of  original  American  Indians,  amounting 
to  probably  40,000,  who  are  as  well  qualified  for  citizenship,  as  three- 
fourths  of  the  New  Mexicans.  Between  these  two  countries  lies  Utah, 
whose  north  boundary,  (42deg,)  runs  through  the  South  Pass,  and  which 
also  has  within  its  center,  Bridger's  Pass.  This  country  has  a  population 
of  some  25,000,  almost  all  from  the  United  States,  working  people,  having 
among  them  fine  mechanics  and  artists.  When  we  come  to  the  western 
most  tier,  we  reach  the  State  of  California.  Here,  the  great  bulk  of  the 
population  lies  in  the  north— the  gold  region — lying  entirely  to  the  north 
of  San  Francisco.  The  southern  part  is  less  desirable,  is  thinly  peopled. 
The  dividing  line  between  California  and  Oregon  is  the  line  of  42deg,  N. 
L., — the  same  with  Utah  and  Nebraska.  Oregon  is  rapidly  settling,  and 
already  must  have  a  population  of  from  50,000  to  60,000.  Where,  then, 
ought  the  Pacific  Railroad  to  run,  as  regards  the  future  west  ?  Yes,  even 
the  present  west  of  our  country. 

More  anon.  Yours  truly, 

LY.NCEUS. 


LETTER  VII. 

Shall  the  Pacific  Road  start  from  Kanzas?— Benton's  Route   one-sided-Should  have 
a  way-travel  of  its  own-How  shall  Nebraska  be  admitted?— Missouri  Compror 
— Its  Nature.Violation— Platte  Purchase— Size— Character— Slave*-  rheAl 
Compromise  iutended  as  eternal-Is  the  Platte  Purchase  Slave,  or  Fi 

Saint  Louis,  Aug.  lOlh,  1853. 

My  DEUI  FRIEND  :  Ought  the  Pacific  Railroad  to  start  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Kanzas  1  as  Col.Benton  urges— a  point  lower  than  thewhole 
Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  where  it  has  little  population  o 
south-east  of  it,  and  no  country  to  support  it ;  to  run  for  a  while  hii-gin* 
the  Kanzas  valley,  to  keep  off  the  divide  between  the  Kanzas  and  the  . 
kansas,  which  is  not  more  than  half  as  fertile  as  that  between  th 
and  the  Platte  ;  thence,  to  bear  south-west  until  you  reach 
Memphis.-a  latitude  of  the  south  which  enjoys  the  fullest  bleming  of  t 


36         LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

vicinage  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  tbeocer  to  bear  through  Southern  Cali 
fornia  to  San  Francisco. 

The  advocacy  of  this  route,  by  Col,  Fento-n,  is  a  strange  and  unlooked- 
for  event,  with  many  thinking  men.  We  alt  know  the  determination  of 
some  men  to  carry  out,  in  spite  of  argument  and  persuasion,  ihehr  own 
first  preconceived  notion,  however  unwise.  We  know  the  vast  influence, 
which  local  attachments  and  feelings  exercise  over  our  efforts  and  plans.- 
We  know  how  stronglymen  work  to  purchase  the  good  will  of  others,  or  to 
allay  the  anger  of  the  provoked,  or  overcome  the  hatred  of  enemies.  We- 
know  also  how  partial  men  are  to  their  OWD,  whether  h»man  or  material^ 
and  how  all-powerful  self  is  in  all  things. 

,The  course  of  Col.  Benton  is  so  away  from  advocating  a  boM  national 
policy  and  location,  that  the  causes  for  his  course  have  been  closely  ques 
tioned,  and  the  opinion  is  gaining  extensive  ground,  and  from  many  points 
is  finding  utterance,  that  Col.  Benton  is  acting  a  part  not  national,  but  per 
sonally  duplex, — a  half  way  compromise,  seeking  by  it  for  the  favor  of  the 
south,  and  the  forbearance  of  the  north.  To  start  it  in  free  Territory,  and 
let  it  run  so  far  south,  that  it  shall  benefit  almost  only  tho  slave  Stales, 
To  win  for  himself  the  credit  and  glory  of  being  the  great  mover  and  fa 
ther  of  this  particular  compromise  of  routes.  Col.  Fremont's  influence  ia- 
waning  with  the  American  people.  Col.  Benton  has  always  been  associ 
ated  with  him,  and  shared  his  honors.  And  now,  Mr.  Benton  would  fain 
magnify  Fremont,  and  through  him,  himself,  by  running  the  road  through* 
Fremont's  attempted  pass. 

Col.  Fremont,  also,  has  large  landed  estates  in  California,  which,  so  far 
as  public  information  goes,  are  situated  south-east  of  San  Francisco,  so  that 
the  new  route  will  pass  near,  or  directly  through  them. 

Well  may  we  believe,  that  were  there  in  Congress  a  man  of  Col.  Ben- 
ton's  abilities  and  personal  influence,  with  a  son-in  law  in  the  same  body, 
with  the  same  individual  inducements  for  action,  in  this  matter,  that  he 
could  put  forth,  a  far  clearer,  stronger,  more  truthful,  and  more  national 
appeal  and  argument  for  the  road,  either  through  Bridgers'  Pass,  or  the 
South  Pass,  than  Col.  Benton  either  has,  or  can,  for  the  New  Mexican 
road. 

The  route  recommended  by  Col.  Benton,  is  a  one-sided  affair.  It  runs 
to  the  center  of  our  newest  acquisitions,  leaving  Oregon  without  the  least 
hope  of  connection  with  the  United  Stales ;  neglecting  Utah,  slighting 
Nebraska,  and  bearing  away  1,500  miles  from  the  central  portions  of  the 
Missouri  and  Yellow  Stone  Territories, — a  policy  to  have  this  road  built 
by  national  expense, — presently  to  have  an  application  to  Congress,  to 
build  a  branch  of  three  or  four  hundred  miles,  to  the  western  side  of  Ar 
kansas.  The  whole  south,  then,  to  take  stock  in  a  road/from  Memphis 
across  Arkansas,  that  State  being  too  poor  to  build,  or  to  support  it.  Thus, 
the  south  would  have  two  termini,— St.  Louis  and  Memphis, — and  every 
thing  that  went  north,  or  came  from  California,  would  be  obliged  to  go  from 
or  come  to  those  cities,  almost  at  right  angles,  instead  of  coming  to  the 
north  from  the  west  direct,  as  they  ought,  since  she  is  the  builder  and  ac 
tual  supporter  of  the  road. 

It  does  seem  evident  that  the  road  ought  to  start  from  Fort  Leaven- 
worth.  Fort  Leavenworth  has  been  a  government  establishment  for  some 
30  years,  and  is  the  great  central  depot  for  supplying  all  the  United  States' 
forts,  in  the  west,  with  provisions,  ammunition,  and  men.  It  holds  con 
stant  communication  with  Fort  Kearney,  Laramie,  Hall,  Atkinson,  and 
Gibson, .and  also  with  the  Salt  Lake  and  Santa  Fe.  It  is  on  the  west  side 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  37 

of  the  Missouri  river,  in  the  Nebraska  Territory,  30  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Kansas,  and  32  miles  below  St.  Joseph.  There  is  the  finest 
levee  on  the  whole  Missouri  river.  It  is  a  beautiful  site  for  a  large  and 
magnificent  city.  The  Missouri  river  boats  could  bring  iron,  and  limber, 
and  tools,  from  St.  Louis,  and  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  Railroad  can 
keep  two  steamers  busy,  dropping  down  with  loads,  from  St.  Joseph  to 
Fort  Leavenworth.  The  Government  own  there  nine  square  miles,  upon 
which  to  store  iron,  or  timber,  BS  it  may  be  received.  Hundreds  of  thou 
sands  of  dollars  have  been  already  invested  there,  and  as  the  troops  shall 
be  drawn  off  to  the  new  post,  the  large  iron  and  wood  shops,  already  there, 
and  the  buildings  which  would  be  vacated,  could  furnish  shops  for  the  ac- 
commodatian  of  more  than  a  thousand  workers  in  iron  and  wood,  who 
could  frame  buildings,  tanks,  bridges,  &c.,  and  send  them  on  to  the  work 
men  a  thousand  miles  west. 

This  route  will  not,  as  does  Col.  Benton's,  run  through  a  narrow  bot 
tom  land,  thus  defeating  the  settlement  of  broad  prairie  lands.  But  it  so 
runs,  that,  commencing  in  the  prairie,  men  will  put  up  temporary  wire 
fences,  an<J  start  their  hedges  immediately,  and  overcome  the  want  of  tim 
ber  by  the  application  of  science  to  its  production. 

The  railroad  should  run  so  that  it  shall  have  a  heavy  way-travel  of  its 
own,  through  a  country  capable  of  dense  settlement.  It  should  run  so  that 
branches  can  pass  off'  in  each  direction,  to  accommodate  the  whole  terri 
tory  of  our  country. 

This  is  the  true  theory.  Settle  the  first  road  in  the  center,  and  let 
branches,  at  nearly  right  angles,  go  off  to  different  districts.  At  the  ends 
of  these  branches,  wealth,  influence,  and  population,  will  culminate,  and, 
in  time,  these  points  will  desire  roads  to  connect  them-,  and  thus  will  arise 
other  parallel  roads,  running  across  this  country  to  the  Pacific. 

This  road,  having  received  the  Council  Bluffs'  and  Memphis'  branches, 
should  pass  on  some  two  hundred  miles,  when  a  branch  should  turn  di 
rectly  north,  into  the  basin  of  the  Yellow  Stone.  In  that  country,  is  a 
climate  unsurpassed  for  evenness  of  temperature,  purity  of  air,  and  gene 
ral  healthfuiness,  by  any  country  in  the  world;  while  its  richness  and 
great  beauty  will  make  it  the  choice  of  the  whole  western  half  of  the  Re 
public.  Passing  through  the  Rocky  mountains,  a  road  should  turn  di 
rectly  south  to  Santa  Fe.  Two  hundred  miles  beyond  the  Salt  Lake,  a 
branch  should  turn  directly  north-west  into  Oregon  ;  while  the  road  should 
either  pass  through  the  north  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  mountains,  or  around 
«hem,  to  San  Francisco  on  the  south-west. 

In  closing  this  subject,  I  would  again  refer  to  the  portion  of  Nebraska 
between  the  Platte  and  Kanzas,  commencing  at  Fort  Leavenworth. — 
When  we  leave  the  Allegany  mountains,  and  descend  into  Ohio,  we  strike 
a  most  fertile  strip  of  country,  embracing  the  Miami  valley.  It  crosses  the 
center  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  containing  the  Shawnee  Prairie.  Jn  Illi 
nois,  it  takes  the  center  of  the  State,  embracing  Sangamon  county,  and  a 
hundred  miles  of  country  north,  and  the  whole  of  the  Great  Prairie. 
This  strip  has,  in  the  same  latitude,  a  corresponding  strip  west  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  river.  That  strip  embraces  all  Missouri  north  of  the  river,  and  a 
strip  across  southern  Iowa.  Beyond  the  Missouri  river,  this  same  fertile 
belt  continues,  lying  between  the  Platte  and  Kanzas,  and  extending  to  their 
head-waters,  gradually,  however,  after  300  miles,  becoming  inferior  as  it 
approaches  the  Rocky  mountains.  This  natural  strip  of  rich  fertile  s< 
•ndicative  by  nature,  as  the  line,  and  the  only  proper  line,  for  the  Crreat 
Railway  to  the  Pacific. 


38  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

Bui  how  shall  this  Nebraska  be  admitted,  as  regards  Slavery  within  her 
limits  1 

Perhaps  you  instantly  reply,  "  There  is  no  need  to  ask  that  question! 
The  matter  is  settled  already,  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  !"  Is  it,  in 
deed  ?  It  were  truly  a  happy  thing,  if  it  were  thus  settled.  But  what 
said  the  Missouri  Compromise? 

"  SEC.  8.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  in  all  that  territory,  ceded  by 
France  to  the  United  States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies 
north  of  SGdeg.  30m.  north  latitude,  not  included  within  the  limits  of  the 
State  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude,  other 
wise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted  shall  be  and  hereby  is  forever  prohibited. 

"Provided  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom 
labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed,  in  any  State  or  Territory  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to  the 
person,  claiming  his  or  her  labor,  or  service,  as  aforesaid." 

"Approved,  March  Gth,  1820." 

Well,  is  not  Nebraska,  as  we  have  defined  its  bounds,  a  part  of  that 
Territory,  ceded  by  France  under  the  name  of  Louisiana  ?  Is  it  not 
north  of^SGdeg.  30m.,  N.  L.  ?  Is  it  not  without  the  limits  of  the  State  of 
Missouri?  We  answer,  Yes,  to  all  these  inquiries?  Why,  then,  when 
the  enactment  is  so  plain,  and  Nebraska  is  so  evidently  the  country  de 
scribed  in  the  act,  why  do  we  need  any  thing  further  ?  I  answer,  because 
it  is  a  question,  (worth  the  thought  of  every  American,)  whether  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  means  any  thing  ;  and,  if  it  does,  it  is  again  a  question, 
whether  it  can  be" preserved  from  the  violation  of  lawless  and  wicked  men  : 
and  the  question  comes  up,  whether  the  State  of  Missouri  has  not  vitiated 
her  constitution,  by  her  action  in  reference  to  this  subject. 

This  whole  subject  will  readily  be  understood,  when  we  remark,  that 
the  boundary  of  Missouri,  when  she  was  admitted  to  the  Union — the  boun 
dary  contemplated  when  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  passed, — was  a 
straight  line  from  the  south-west  corner  of  the  State,  running  through  the 
mouth  of  the  Kanzas,  and  extending  north  to  the  present  line  between 
Iowa  and  Missouri.  The  Missouri  river,  bearing  from  the  Kanzas  to  the 
west  of  north,  left  a  strip  of  land  on  the  east  of  Missouri  river;  and  be 
tween  said  river  and  the  western  boundary  of  the  State,  it  is  104  miles, 
from  north  to  south  ;  and,  at  the  northern  end,  GO  miles  wide,  at  the  south, 
it  came  to  a  point.  This  large  triangle  is  now  divided  into  the  six  follow- 
in-g  counties,  and  is  a  part  of  the  State  of  Missouri. 


COUNTIES. 

Free. 

Slave. 

Total. 

1,678 
2,118 
3,955 
9,434 
12,976 
16,929 

Atchison, 
Nodaway. 
Holt, 
Andrew, 
Buchannan,. 
Platte, 

1,648 
2,048 
3,828 
8,773 
12,074 
14,131 

30 
70 
127 
661 
902 
2,798 

42,502 

4,588 

47,090 

From  this  table,  it  will  be  seen  that,  in  1850,  there  were  living  on  the 
Platte  Purchase,  47,090  inhabitants  ;  of  these  4,588  were  slaves.  Since 
1850,  the  population  has  increased,  and  the  number  of  slaves  now  must 
be  as  many  as  5,000.  How  comes  it  that  there  is  a  single  slave  there?— 
that  an  inch  of  that  territory  has  been  polluted  ?  Are  these  4,588  men 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  39 

really  slaves,  or  are  they  tree  men  illegally  held  to  service  ]    How  comes 
:tll  this  ?     What  means  it  all  ?     Was,  or  was  not,  that  triangle  a  portion 

Nebraska  ?  Does  it,  to-day,  belong  to  Nebraska,  or  Missouri  ?  Is  ii, 
to-day,  slave  or  free  territory?  Let  us  closely  examine  ihis  mat'ter. 

Before  the  admission  of  Missouri,  there  had  arisen  a  fierce  altercation 
between  the  north  and  south,  because  free  blacks  of  the  north,  whatever 
their  character  or  business,  were  imprisoned  on  entering  the  slave  States. 
The  dissatisfaction  ran  high,  and  the  north  declared,  that  if  citizens  of  the 
United  States  were  to  be  shut  out  of  slave  States,  or  imprisoned  within 
them,  that  no  more  slave  territory  should  be  admitted  to  the  Union.  Sla 
very  had  been,  by  authority,  forever  abolished  in  the  Territory,  north  of 
the  Ohio  river,  and  east  of  the  Mississippi;  but  nothing  had  been  done 
concerning  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi.  The  State  of  Louisiana 
had  been  erected  as  a  slave  State ;  the  Territories  of  Arkansas  and  Mis 
souri  had  startfid  in  the  same  manner.  Missouri  applied  for  admission 
as  a  State  at  this  particular  crisis.  Strong  and  continued  opposition  arose, 
and  it  was  determined  that  she  should  come  in  free,  or  not  at  all.  The 
dissolution  of  the  Union  was  threatened  by  the  south,  and  was  not  an  un 
welcome  thought  to  the  north.  The  great  men,  however,  stood  firm,  and 
the  people  followed  them.  Henry  Clay  prepared  and  submitted  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  as  it  is  generally  called.  That  Compromise  gives  the 
State  of  Missouri  the  privilege  of  erecting  a  State  government,  &c.,  &c.; 
but  upon  this  condition,  that  all  the  remainder  of  the  old  Louisiana  Ter 
ritory,  above  36deg.30m,,  should  never  have  a  slave  upon  it.  It  also  added 
a  restriction  to  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  when  it  should  beformed, 
which  was,  that  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  recognized  as  a  citizen 
in  any  State,  was  free  to  come  and  go  through  Missouri,  as  he  might 
please,  without  hindrance,  indignity,  or  imprisonment. 

The  Compromise  was  simply  this  :  The  nation  had  risen,  and  declared 
there  shall  be  no  more  slave  States  in  the  Union.  Henry  Clay  came 
forward,  and  in  reaflty  said,  "  The  people  of  Missouri  are  already  there, 
and  they  own  slaves,  and  they  wish  itto  be  a  slave  State.  Grant  them  their 
wish,  but  compel  them  to  admit  citizens  of  other  States,  whatever  their 
opinions  or  color.  Give  to  them  and  to  the  south  this  one  piece  of  the 
Louisiana  Territory  for  slavery,  and  we  ask  no  more;  we  will  agree  that 
forever  in  the  future,  the  remainder  of  it  shall  be  free.  Let  us  take  a  large 
State,  almost  300  miles  square,  and  jut  it  up  into  free  tenitory,  and  north 
and  west  of  it,  we  will  not  ask  for  more." 

Such  was  the  nature  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,     The  consideration 
in  the  bargain  was  the  preservation  of  the  Union.     The  reiinquishment. 
on  the  part' of  the  north,  was  the  State  of  Missouri,  devoted  to   slavery 
and  the  south.  The  reiinquishment,  on  the  part  of  the  south,  was  the  ded 
ication   of  all    the  remainder  of  Old  Louisiana  Territory  to  eternal  free 
dom.     And  this  bargain,  FOREVER,  implied,  that  the   north,  through  the 
medium  of  Congress,  would  not  disturb  the  institution  of  slavery  in  M 
souri ;  aiH  the  declaration  of  the  enactment,  not  only  implied,  but  it  avov 
ed,  on  the  part  of  the   south  as  well  as  north,  that  they  would  forever  pro 
vent  its  violation,  nor  permit  a  single  slave  to  be  held  in  all  that  Territory. 
I  say,  the  south,  with  the  north,  pledged  themselves/ormr,  to  prevc 
and  a  prohibition  of  the  United  States  is  a  preventive,  if  wick 
not  come  in  to  nullify  it.  .       .,    ,, 

How,  then,  came  slavery  to  exist  in  the  Great  Triangle  above  described? 

When  Missouri  was  first  admitted,  this  land  remained  in  the  posses 
of  the  Indians  and  half-breeds.    After  Missouri  had  been  ID  the  Union  If 


40  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

years,  seeing  how  much  it  would  add  to  the  wealth,  power,  and  commerce 
of  the  State,  to  possess  ihe  right  of  one-half  of  ihe  Missouri  river,  from 
Kanzas  up  to  the  line  between  Iowa  and  Missouri,  the  Stale  of  Missouri 
made  application  to  Congress  to  add  this  triangle  to  her  territory. 

A  double  question  presents  itself  here.  Had  Congress  a  right  to  in 
crease  the  territory  of  Missouri,  under  the  circumstances.  The  Missouri 
Compromise  described  the  land  particularly,  and  made  special  provision 
for  the  settlement  of  the  north  line,  and  for  the  division  of  the  islands  in 
the  Mississippi  river.  But  no  one,  in  that  day,  asked,  h&ped-,  or  expected, 
that  the  territory  of  Missouri  could  ever  be  enlarged.  Thus,  was  the  State 
admitted  into  the  Union  on  certain  conditions,  which  conditions  were  to 
continue/oreuer.  How  could  that  State  be  enlarged,  without  violating  the 
principles  upon  which  it  was  admitted  1  The  enlargement  not  only  vio 
lated  the  act  itself,  but  also  the  proviso  respecting  fugitives.  From  the 
circumstances  under  which  Missouri  was  admitted,  it  does  seem  to  me, 
that  the  addition  of  the  Platte  Purchase  was  beyond  the  actual  province  of 
the  power  of  Congress,  a/id  it  is,  therefore,  of  right,  a  portion  of  Nebraska 
Territory  still. 

But  passing  that  point,  let  us  ask,  Is  this  triangle,  when  added  to  Mis 
souri,  free  or  slave  territory  ?  That  there  are  slaves  there,  and  that  it  is 
now  an  ally  of  slave  interests,  are  indisputable  facts.  But  the  question 
is,  Did  the  addition  of  this  triangle  to  Missouri  change  its  free  character? 
Can  one  casual  act  of  Congress,  couched  in  general  terms,  control  and 
take  precedence  of  an  especial  enactment,  drawn  with  the  most  stringent 
precision?  Can  the  careless  and  hasty  action  of  Congress  undo  thai 
which  was  established  with  the  deepest  thought  and  aniiety,and  declared 
irrevocable?  While  an  absolute,  specific  enactment  is  in  force,  does  it 
not  modify,  in  that  particular  respect  which  it  regards,  any  general  act, 
which  does  not  directly  or  indirectly  indicate  its  abrogation?  But,  can 
Congress  pass  any  act  that  shall  be  perpetual  ?  Men,  in  this  world,  make 
bequests,  endowments,  and  deeds,  which  are  never  to  be  changed — which 
express  the  will  of  the  donor,  or  conveyer.  There  are  times  in  govern 
ment,  when  the  same  stable  kind  of  action  is  desirable,  when  great  prin 
ciples  are  to  be  established,  and  deeds  performed  which  will  iorever  result 
in  good.  Circumstances  change;  opinions  alter;  and  this  is  so  common, 
in  a  world  where  the  future  is  all  hidden,  that  it  is  a  rare  thing,  that  such 
language  as  that  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  is  introduced.  In  our  In 
dian  treaties,  in  reference  to  land  titles,  the  same  construction  of  language 
is  used.  A  time  came  in  the  affairs  of  our  country,  when  every  thing  de 
manded,  that  a  permanent,  enduring  enactment  should  be  passed,  and  it 
was  done.  What  was  that  enactment?  That  Missouri,  with  certain 
boundaries,  should  be  admitted  as  a  slave  State.  Mark  it  well !  Govern 
ment  did  not  promise  to  add  territory  to  that  State,  nor  to  maintain  the 
supremacy  of  slavery  there.  No;  it  only  said  to  Missouri,  "Yon  may 
brand  the  curse  upon  your  own  forehead,  and  we  will  yet  receive  you  to 
the  Union  ;  but  west  and  north  o(  you,  there  shall  forever  be  no  slavery.'* 
Can  the  United  States  make  a  permanent  enactment  ?  Is  its  word  gootl 
Tor  even  20  years  ?  I  do  not  know  or  remember  any  United  States'  en- 
nctment,  except  this,  which  was  designed  to  be  a  perpetual  statute,  be 
yond  the  possibility  of  change.  And  yet,  this  has  been  tramplecfupon, 
in  the  grossest  manner.  Is  our  government  desirable  ?  Is  it  any  blessing 
to  live  under  it?  If  it  is,  why  not  maintain  its  integrity  ?  Why  make  it 
a  liar,  in  the  one  thinfj  of  all  others,  in  which  it  has  given  out  its  word, 
and  declared  it  will  not  recall  it  ?  Shame  to  the  south,  burning  and  eAe*- 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  41 

nal  shame,  that,  for  a  few  acres  of  ground,— for  a  slight  advantage,— they 
should  quietly  and  stealthily  attempt  to  violate  the  Missouri  Compiomise, 
— a  compromise  framed  by  themselves,  and  passed  for  themselves,  ami 
that  for  their  own  benefit !  Oh,  false  and  traitorous  north,  that  could  join 
hands  to  sell  the  liberties  of  men,  and  extend  the  reign  of  sorrow  aud  in 
justice,  to  disgrace  the  honor  of  your  nation,  and  make  her  promises  a  jest ! 
More  anon.  Yours  truly. 

LY.NCECS. 


LETTER  VIII. 

Is  thePIatte  Purchase  free  or  slave?— Origin  of  Platte  Addition— Missouri  Compromise 
and  Platte  Purchase  Act  compared — Position  of  Platte  Purchase  Slaves  legally Ne 
cessity  for  Wilmot  Proviso— Nebraska  free  —  Influence  upon  Missouri  —  Nebraska 
slave  influence  on  Missouri  —  Nebraska  certainly  free  — Insecurity  of  carrying  Ne 
groes  there. 

Saint  Louis,  Aug.  24th,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND:  One  of^wo  things  is  true,  either  this  is  slave  Territo 
ry,  in  its  absolute  sense,  and  the  second  act  of  Congress  supercedes  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  or  it  is  free  to-day. 

Now  in  legal  enactments,  when  any  new  statute  is  erected,  an  excep 
tion,  or  provision,  is  commonly  made  respecting  other  previous  enactments, 
which  may  have  any  bearing  or  the  case,  and  where  nothing  is  said  regar 
ding  it,  the  new  act  comes  under  the  restriction  of  previous  acts,  itoiher 
than  overrules  them.  Congress  is  authorized  to  pass  laws,  not  conflicting 
with  the  constitution  of  the  United  Slates.  Other  Legislatures  are  per 
mitted  to  pass  laws,  not  contrary  to  the  constitutions  of  their  respective 
States,  or  of  the  United  States.  Each  State,  and  the  United  States,  in  their 
statutes,  always  read  that  this  statute  shall  in  no  manner  be  construed  so 
as  to  conflict  with  other  previous  statutes,  specifically  named,  or  just  the 
contrary — after  a  certain  date  this  statute  shall  take  full  &  immediate  effect, 
all  other  existing  enactments,  or  statutes,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

Now  the  act,  adding  the  Platte  purchase,  was  originated  either  in  ex 
treme  folly,  or  excessive  subtlety.  It  does  not  define  what  effect  was  to 
be  produced  on  the  triangular  addition,  as  regarded  slavery.  It  does  not 
tell  what  authority  Missouri  was  to  exercise,  whether  only  the  lights  of 
common  law,  such  as  herjree  citizens  enjoyed,  who  did  not  hold  slaves,  or 
whether  it  enforced  the  special  enactments  of  a  slave  State,  which  were 
granted  by  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

It  is  probable  that  subtlety,  was  the  cause  of  this  ambiguity.  The 
country  was  in  1836  little  known.  The  Missouri  Crompromise  had  lost 
some  interest,  in  the  changing  scenes  of  political  warfare,  and  the  bill  was 
introduced,  as  a  careless  request,  to  add  a  small  piece  of  ground  to  Missou 
ri,  and  it  probably  passed,  because  it  had  not  sufficient  point,  and  distisct- 
ness,  to  challenge  investigation,  or  opposition.  It  was,  I  think,  the  design 
to  have  it  pass  without  opposition,  in  this  ambiguous  form,  and  then  throw 
it  open  to  the  slaveholding  masses,  assuming  they  had  the  right  to  enter 
it,  (which  they  had  not,)  and  let  them  roll  in,  and  locate  the  curse  there  ; 
well  knowing  it  takes  a  pound  to  cure  what  an  ounce  could  have  prevent 
ed.  But  let  us  see  this  curious  document — it  speaks  for  itself: 

"June  7th,  1836.— Be  it  enacted,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
when  the  Indian  title  to  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  State  of  Missouri 


42  LETTERS  FOR  THE   PEOPLE, 

and  the  Missouri  River,  shall  be  extinguished,  the  jurisdiction  over  said 
lands  shall  be  hereby  ceded  to  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  the  western 
boundary  of  said  State  shall  be  then  extended  to  the  Missouri  river,  re 
serving  to  the  United  States  the  original  right  of  soil  in  said  lands,  and  of 
disposing  of  the  same  :  Provided  that  this  act  shall  not  take  effect  until 
the  President  shall  by  proclamation  declare  that  the  Indian  title  to  said 
lands  has  been  extinguished,  nor  shall  it  take  effect,  until  the  state  of  Mis- 
soori,  shall  have  assented  to  the  provisions  of  this  act." 

Such  is  its  language.  The  only  two  words  upon  which  the  point  can 
at  all  turn,  ate  jurisdiction  and  boundary.  The  jurisdiction  of  this  coun 
try  had  been  in  the  United  States,  and  was  as  in  the  whole  Indian  coun 
try,  military  instead  of  civil.  The  various  meanings  of  the  word,  will  per 
mit  us  to  place  various  interpretations  upon  the  statute,  not  one  of  them 
however,  necessitates  the  absolute  right,  for  Missouri  to  plant  slavery 
there.  Knowing  the  Missouri  Compromise  to  be  in  full  force,  it  could  be 
more  properly  construed,  that  the  statute  grants  such  authority  only,  over 
this  new  addition,  as  free  States  exercise  over  their  own  Territory. 

"The  Western  boundary  shall  then  be  extended  to  the  Missouri  river." 
This  seems  to  me  to  gain  nothing  for  slave«y.  Missouri  asked  for  a  free 
territory — free  forever,  by  solemn  agreement  of  the  Union;  and  Congress 
gave  it  to  them  without  at  all  removing  the  restriction,  and  it  passed  into 
Missouri's  private  hands  with  this  public,  national  mortgage  for  freedom  for 
ever  resting  on  it. 

1  believe  the  Platte  Purchase  free  territory,  and  a  part  of  Nebraska ; 
that  so  long  as  the  Missouri  Compromise  stands  on  the  statute,  it  takes 
precedence,  and  entire  control,  of  any  other  or  even  an  opposite  enact 
ment ;  that  when  the  United  States  have  made  a  solemn  contract,  and 
tnillious  have  acted  in  good  faith  in  it,  for  sixteen  years,  and  one  par 
ty  have  reaped  all  the  benefits,  and  the  other  party  none,  it  is  impossi 
ble,  with  truth,  equity,  or  justice,  for  the  United  States  to  annul  that  com 
pact.  The  part  free  forever,  was  as  much  a  part  of  the  agreement,  as 
was  the  erection  of  Missouri  into  a  slave  State.  But  when  the  United 
iState.s  declares  a  thing  shall  be  forever  prohibited,  and  designs  to  have 
that  prohibition  an  immutable  eternal  statute,  that  act  must  bejabsolutely 
repealed,  (is  not  that  au  impossibility  ?)  or  it  stands  in  full  strength  for 
ever;  and  violations  of  it,  however  they  may  seek  refuge  under  ambigu 
ous  enactments,  should  be  with  rigor  sought"out,  exposed,  and  punished. 

From  the  above  we  insist,  that  there  are  now  held  in  an  illegal  manner, 
4,588  slaves  ;  persons  who  did  not  escape  there,  but  were  brought  there 
voluntarily  by  their  masters,  persons  doomed  to  "involuntary  servitude," 
not  "for  crimes  whereof  they  have  been  lawfully  convicted,5'  save  it  be 
that  so  admirably  described  by  Cowper,  ''  He  finds  his  brother  guilty  of 
a  skin  not  colored  like  his  own  ;  and  having  power  to  enforce  the  wrong, 
for  such  a  worthy  cause,  dooms  him,  and  tasks  him,  and  exacts  his 
sweat,"  &c. 

If  these  4,588  slaves  could  bring  suit  in  a  court  of  justice  for  freedom 
and  services,  while  they  have  been  on  the  Platte  Purchase,  and  it  should 
be  appealed  to  the  United  States'  Supreme  Court, — for  the  question  would 
ultimately  come  there, — the  decision  would  be  in  favor  of  the  slaves. — 
The  Milsouri  Compromise  makes  every  slave  carried  into  the  Platte  Pur 
chase  a  free  man.  And  no  man,  having  them  there,  can  carry  them  away, 
for  they  are  free.  , 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  inquiry,  How  shall  Nebraska  be  admitted  1 

Let  Justice  write  the  Wilmot  Proviso — no,  the  Missouri  Compromise, 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  43 

—•upon  her  fair  brow.  After  our  examination  of  the  history  of  the  PlaUe 
Purchase,  all  can  understand  the  manner  in  which  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  has  been  treated.  It  has  been  violated  !  Slaves  are,  to-day,  held  in 
involuntary  servitude, on  thousands  of  miles,  where  our  nation  has  declared 
there  should  forever  be  no  slave.  If  that  solemn  compact  has  been  viola 
ted  in  one  part,  it  will  he  violated  in  another,  if  an  opportunity  shall  it; 
any  wise  be  granted.  Let  the  nation  throw  out  her  banner,  and  telr  all 
men  what  she  has  before  told  them,  that  Nebraska  is  free,  and  that  there 
slavery  shall  find  no  hold  for  the  sole  of  her  foot,  for  even  a  single  hour. 
It  becomes  the  nation  to  bestir  itself.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that,  in  a  few 
years,  this  question  will  rectify  itself  in  Nebraska,  whatever  Congress,  or 
the  nation,  may  do.  But  Congress  owes  it  to  the  nation,  the  nation  owes 
it  to  herself,  to  pass,  in  connection  with  the  opening  of  the  Territory,  the 
8th  section  of  the  act,  authorizing  the  people  of  Missouri  to  form -a  State 
government.  We  have  already  quoted  it,  and  it  is  the  Missouri  Com 
promise.  This  is  due  to  the  north  and  south  ;  it  will  peacefully  facilitate 
what  will  come  after,  perhaps  ten  years  of  fierce  bickerings  and  internal 
wars,  over  this  unhappy  question.  It  will  immediately  permit  the  full 
settlement  of  the  line,  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  instead 
of  keeping  settlers  away  by  the  idea  that  it  is  a  State  distracted  in  its  so 
cial  relations.  No  southerner  will  then  suffer  the  vexation,  disappointment, 
and  loss  of  a  stay  of  one  to  five  years  in  a  new  country,  which  he  must, 
then,  perchance  leave,  without  taking  his  negroes  with  him,  or  remain 
there  to  do  with  his  own  hands  the  labor  he  brought  them  along  to  per 
form.  This  is  the  only  true  way, — the  only  honest  or  honorable  way, — 
to  dispose  of  it. 

But  where  will  the  settlers  come  from  ]  Arkansas  is  calling  for  settlers 
slave  settlers.  Texas,  in  danger  of  being  divided,  and  making  a  new  free 
State,  is  calling  and  imploring  slave-owning  and  slavery-loving  men,  to 
come  there  and  settle.  New  Mexico,  whose  character  is  soon  to  be  decided 
by  a  popular  vote  is  trembling,  as  she  anticipates  the  question,  and  begs  lor 
slaveholders  to  come  to  her.  Utah,  also,  to  have  the  question  settled  by 
popular  vote,  is  calling,  and  calling  in  vain  for  slaveholders,  and  had  but 
30  slaves,  and  15,000  inhabitants.  These  are  called  slave  countries,  and 
there  slaveholders,  as  far  as  they  dare,  are  going  to  settle.  While  this 
is  so,  Missouri,  bent  beneath  her  little  load  of  slavery,  has  been  toiling  on 
for  60  years,  to  get.  her  present  position.  In  one-third  of  that  time,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Illinois,  have  grown  up,  and  oatstripped  Missouri.  They 
have  a  large  population  to  keep  at  home,  but  their  increasing  surplus  is 
seeking  new  homes  further  west,  and  Nebraska  is  the  point  which  fixes 
their  gaze.  There  are  vast  numbers  of  men,  who  are  intending  to  go 
there,  the  first  moment  the  Territory  is  opened  for  entrance.  In  two  coun 
ties  in  Ohio,  there  are  3,000  persons  in  one  company,  who  intend  to  go 
as  a  colony  for  freedom,  and  little  bands  exist  every  where  in  those  States, 
who  will  go  together.  Hundreds  of  men  have  been  sent  out  to  see  that 
country,  in  order  to  carry  back  reports  of  the  good  land.  It  is  also  calcu 
lated  that,  at  least  50,000  persons  will  enter  Nebraska  in  eighteen  monl 
from  Missouri  alone,  and  that  population  will  be  free.  The  slave-owners 
of  Missouri  own  farms  and  houses  of  such  value  that,  in  the  temporary 
and  pressed  sale  of  lands,  by  persons  leaving,  they  can  not  afford  to  sc 
and  they  will  not  dare  to  make  a  change,  that  promises  only  loss  and  ( 
appointment. 

But  let  us  suppose  that  the  south,  trampling  upon  liberty,  and  the  north, 
feetraying  freedom,  should  again  violate  the  Missouri  Compromise,  a 


44  LETTERS  FOR   THE  PEOPLE, 

should  declare  that  when  it  should  come  into  the  Union,  it  should  beslavc 
or  free,  as  the  popular  vote  might  declare.  Such  an  arrangement  would 
perhaps  take  5,000  slaves  from  Missouri,  and  1,000  from  other  slave 
States.  And  what  is  the  result  of  this  ? 

It  weakens  slavery  in  Missouri,  where  it  is  now  insecure.  Every  slave, 
removed  from  Missouri,  reduces  the  proportion  of  slaves  to  the  free;  for 
thete  is  no  slave  immigration  into  Missouri  to  replace  them,  while  the 
places  of  the  free  who  leave  will,  in  a  few  months,  be  entirely  filled  from 
the  east.  This  would  hasten  the  freedom  of  Missouri.  A  few  slaves  in 
Nebtaska,  and  a  divided  sentiment  on  the  subject,  and  decided  opposition 
to  the  institution,  would  not  strengthen  it  at  all  in  Missouri.  The  very 
tact  that,  in  Nebraska,  a  war  was  going  on,  which  would  end  in  the  total 
expulsion  of  slavery  from  its  borders,  would  keep  the  State  of  Missouri  in 
the  most  constant  alarm.  And,  when  the  catastrophe  should  actually 
-come,  and  Nebraska  assert  her  freedom,  then  would  the  blow  come  upon 
Missouri  with  tenfold  the  effect,  that  would  follow  the  settlement .of  Nebras 
ka  upon  free  principles;  for  there  would  then  be  an  adjoining  State,  where 
slavery  had  been  defeated;  aad  a  precedent  would  be  given  for  the  action  of 
her  own  masses, and  an  undying  enthusiasm  awakened  in  them  to  do  likewise. 
Settle  Nebraska  free,  under  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  she  will  look 
with  pity  upon  Missouri,  groaning  and  laboring  under  her  curse  ;  but  at- 
lempt  to  chain  slavery  upon  her,  and  when  once  she  has  broken  the  letter 
4'rom  her  pure  neck,  she  will  burn  with  hatred  toward  the  oppressor,  who 
^attempted  to  despoil  her  of  her  riches  and  glory. 

But,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  let  us  assume,  that  many  slaves  should 
roll  in  from  Missouri  and  the  south,  and  it  should  become  a  slave  State. 
That,  even  could  not  hinder  the  progress  of  freedom  in  Missouri,  and  we 
have  the  spectacle  of  a  new  State,  standing  ayain  surrounded  with  three 
free  Stales  or  Territories,  and  scarcely  touching  a  slave  State.  That  would 
be  a  worse  position  than  Missouri.  Surely,  if  a  man  is  afoot  to  go  at  this 
Jate  hour  into  Missouri  with  his  negroes,  he  is  a  madman  to  go  with  them 
into  Nebraska. 

But  it  is  a  vain  supposition,  to  assume  that  it  can  be  a  slave  State.  New 
Mexico  and  Utah  have  been  admitted  as  Territories,  upon  the  condition 
that  the  voters  shall  settle  the  question  when  they  come  in  as  States.  It 
is  a  question  whether  New  Mexico  will  not  come  in  as  a  free  State.  Her 
population  are  mostly  Mexican,  and  are  accustomed  to  her  laws,  which 
forbid  slavery.  And  Utah  also,  out  cf  her  15,000  population,  had  only 
50  slaves.  The  proximity  of  Missouri  to  Nebraska  does  not,  by  any 
means,  make  it  certain,  that  slavery  must  and  will  go  into  the  new  Terri 
tory,  Missouri,  instead  of  being  able  to  propagate  slavery,  can  not  even 
retain  it  for  herself.  The  men  who  live  on  the  frontier  tell  us,  they  feel 
the  utmost  anxiety  and  alarm,  for  it  must  be  a  free  State  ;  and,  if  it  is> 
slavery  dies  in  Missouri,  pierced  through  the  heart. 

More  anon.  Yours  truly.         LYNCEUS. 

LETTER  IX. 

The  Nature  of  Compromises— Missouri  Compromise  and  Fugitive  Slave  Compromise 
compared— North  and  South  contrasted— Southern  Attempt  to  make  Fugitive  Com 
promise  irrevocable — Compromises  on  Slavery  contrary  to  national  Policy  of  the 
•Constitution — Public  Meetings— New  Policy  for  North — Instructions  to  Represen 
tatives. 

Saint  Louis,  Sept.  7th,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  I  wish  to  say  a  few  words  more  about  compro 
mises,  aad  I  am  done.  When  one  party  fails  to  fulfil  his  part  of  a  con- 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  4£ 

tract,  then  the  other  party  may  demand,  and  compel  them  to  dosor  or  de 
part  from  the  previous  engagement.  What  is  fair  for  one  side,  is  fair  for 
the  other.  As  it  would  have  been  a  breach  of  the  Missouri  ComproraiseT 
for  the  north  io  have  demanded  a  triangle  104  miles  long  and  60  wide,  and 
exclude  slavery  frora  it,  and  take  it  away  from  Missouri,  just  so  much  a 
breach  of  the  Compromise  was  committed^  when  so  much  of  the/ree,/or- 
cverfree,  territory  was  given  to  Missouri  and  slavery. 

This  crime  has  been  wrought  by  the  south,  and  that  very  violation  ha* 
given  to  the  north  the  right  to  demand,  that  Missouri  shall  be  a  free  Slate. 
Upon  certain  conditions,  the  United  States  declared  Missouri  a  slave  State; 
the  conditions  violated,  it  instantly  makes  the  question  the  same  as  before 
the  Compromise,  in  which  the  north  demanded  it  should  be  a  free  State. 
As  it  was  made  a  slave  State  solely  on  these  conditions,  it  would,  if  the 
north  insisted  upon  it,  become  a  free  State,  upon  the  holding  of  a  single 
slave  upon  the  forbidden  premises.  The  fact  that  the  north  has  not  re 
belled  against  this  encroachment,  that  it  has  not  demanded  that  the  con 
stitution  of  Missouri  should  be  changed,  and  exclude  slavery,  does  not  re 
lieve  the  south  one  particle  for  what  they  have  done  ;  for  if  the  north  was 
recreant  in  not  guarding  the  interests  of  freedom,  it  is  no  excuse  why  the 
south,  who  form  a  part  of  the  Union,  should  not  come  up  and  protect  it. 
But  the  south  not  only  did  not;  protect  her  own  Missouri  Compromise,  but 
sought  its  violation,  and  accomplished  it. 

But,  if  time  and  all  the  solemnities  of  legislation  can  not  make  firm 
and  abiding  one  compromise,  neither  can  they  another.  Our  Congress 
has  again  passed  a  Compromise,  as  it  has  been  unjustly  called.  In  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  the  north  were  demandants.  In  the  nigger- rendi 
tion  Compromise,  the  south  were  demandants.  In  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  the  south  were  the  promissors.  In  the  negro-rendition  Compromise, 
the  north  were  promissors.  In  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  south  pro 
mised  to  keep  its  bands  off  this  Nebraska  Territory. 

In  the  slave-rendition  Compromise,  the  north  promised  to  chase,  hunt, 
catch,  hold,  and  deliver  back  to  bondage  every  poor  fugitive  slave. 

In  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  south  promised  a  humane,  just,  and 
holy  thing.  In  the  nigger-catching  Compromise,  the  north  promised  an 
inhuman,  unjust,  and  unholy  thing. 

In  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  south,  by  their  vote,  settled  that  que 
tion.     In  the  black  Compromise,  the  north,  by  their  vote,  sustained 

In  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  south  gave  a  promise  forever,  design 
ing  that  the  act  should  never  be  revoked,  for  its  execution  would  always 
be  salutary.  In  the  slave-catching  Compromise,  no  time  was  specified, 
for  the  continuance  of  the  act,  for  it  can  breed  no  good  to  any  one. 

But  how  did  these  Compromises  stand  in  their  operation  1  The  Missouri 
Compromise  has  never  yet  had  but  one  chance  for  trial,  and  how  tare. 
Missouri  wanted  the  triangle,-the  richest  soil  within  her  present  bor< 
in  order  to  extend  the  curse  over  it,— and  she  obtained  it.     We  a 
eve  of  the  question  once  more,  and  vvhai  says  the  promissor  now  .' 
Atchison,  the   acting  Vice   President  of  the  United  States,  may  b 
sidered  as  the  exponent  of  southern   opinion.     In   speeches   he   has >  , 
making,  in  various    portions  of  the   State,   h*  is  reported  as  taking  the 
ground8  and,  in  effect  asserting,  that  he  will   fight  the  admission  ot  Ne- 
taska,  unless  it  can  come  in  without   the  Wilmot  Proviso  ;  that  it  shall 
come  in  as  a  slave  Territory,  or,  at  least,  with  the  question .left :  o, >  n    a  nd 
alltlone  to  foster  slavery  that  is  possible     There  arc  men  in  * 
.«auri,  who  are  tampering  with  (he  Indians,  and  tryiog  to  induce  the  able. 


46  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

of  them  to  become  slaveholders.  The  very  question  before  Congress,  the 
very  reason  why  Nebraska  is  rjpt.  thrown  open  already,  is,  that  the  south 
are  unwilling  to  stand  to  the  Missouri  Compromise — are  unwilling  that  a 
free  Territory  should  be  erected  on  the  frontier  of  the  down-falling  slave 
State  of  Missouri.  The  south  originated,  presented,  and  passed,  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  but  they  have  never  respected  or  preserved  it. 

But  how  is  it  with  the  north  and  her  black  Compromise  ?  She  passed 
it,  and  laid  it  on  h«r  own  shoulders,  because  of  the  blusterings  of  the  Mem 
phis  Convention  of  southern  disunionists.  And,  again  and  again,  has  she 
come  up  with  the  sword  of  justice,  and  the  arm  of  law,  and  a  debauched 
public  sentiment,  all  bearing  down  upon  one  poor,  trembling  victim,  and 
consigned  him  to  injustice  and  despair.  Oh,  glorious,  sublime,  transcend- 
ant  work  !  Oh,  noble,  humane,  Christian  spirit!  What  joy  swells  the 
bosom  of  the  universal  north,  as  it  contemplates  each  of  its  God-like 
achievements.  Well  may  ye  exclaim,  "  We  are  the  men  of  principle  ; 
we  sustain  the  Union  ;  we  caught  him  ;  we  kept  the  south  in  good  humor  ; 
the  nigger  can't  be  very  smart ;  ive,  (14,000,000  of  us,}  caught  him, — he 
c  an  not  help  himself, — he  must  go  back  !" 

But,  in  some  very  sinful  places,  where  twice  or  thrice  humanity  has 
triumphed  over  insensibility,  and  conscience  conquered  fear,  and  the  eyes 
God  gave  him  to  guide  him,  the  feet  to  catry  him,  and  the  intellect  to 
counsel  him,  operated  well,  and  the  endangered  wretch  escaped  from  you, 
(14,000,000  freemen;)  why,  what  has  been  the  result?  The  northern 
press  has  denounced  it,  and  the  south  has  rung  a  tocsin  of  alarm  and  hor 
ror,  at  your  faithlessness  and  perversity  in  opposing  and  violating  the  nig 
ger-rendition  Compromise.  And,  to  make  amends,  and  show  vour  true 
love  for  slavery,  and  your  sincere  repentance  for  your  neglect,  you  permit 
freemen  to  be  kidnapped  ;  and,  when  in  violation  of  your  own  statutes, 
slaves  are  brought  into  your  bounds,  and  are  freed  by  your  laws,  you  annul 
the  statute  by  paying  their  full  value,  until  even  Louisiana  herself  con 
vulses  with  laughter  at  your  ridiculous  sycophancy. 

And,  to  add  indignity  to  your  degradation,  to  rule  you  with  a  heavier 
rod  thaa  they  lay  on  their  own  slaves,  last  winter  they  attempted  to  add 
the  "/oreuer,"  to  this  nigger-rendition  Compromise,  to  pass  it  in  such  a 
manner  that  it  could  never  be  revoked — that  it  should  become  a  permanent 
statute — which  should  end  only  when  the  last  slave  in  the  Union  was  dead. 
They  failed  to  obtain  it.  Thank  God,  he  set  a  bound  to  northern  infatu 
ation  and  venality,  and  they  failed  to  obtain  it  ! 

Do  riot  misunderstand  me.  I  would  see  the  Constitution  of  my  country 
honored  and  upheld,  although  it  contains  the  rendition  of  fugitives.  But  I 
abominate  a  sycophancy,  which,  with  eagerness,  offers  itself  as  a  tool  to 
accomplish  such  unhallowed  work.  Let-  those  who  are  accustomed  to 
bind,  and  drive,  and  consider  as  property  their  fellow-men,  let  them  come, 
and  get,  and  take  away  what  they  can  legally  prove  their  own.  There  is 
something  in  passivity  in  this  thing,  a  thousand  times  preferable  to  activity. 
And  while  I  would  thus  passiv*ely  submit  to  the  demands  of  the  Consti 
tution, and  Iwould  have  all  my  fellow-citizens  do  the  same,  I  would  myself, 
and  [  would  have  them,  with  intense  activity,  labor  to  have  that.  Constitu 
tion  so  modified,  as  to  relieve  me  of  even  my  passive  submission  to  so  sad 
an  ordinance.  No;  if  it  be  two  years,  or  five,  or  fifty,  that  this  clause 
shall  stand  in  our  Constitution,  let  us  honor  it,  let  us  sustain  if.  ;  but,  with 
each  year,  let  us  double  our  efforts  to  make  the  Constitution  of  our  coun 
try  what  our  fathers  designed  it — a  bulwark  of  human  happiness  and  free- 
«lom— 'not  a  bulwark  of  degradation  and  slavery. 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  47 

My  soul  burns  like  as  with  fire,  when  I  look  upon  these  two  Compro 
mises,  their  characters,  and  their  fulfilment.  The  perfidy  of  the  south, 
their  violation  of  their  solemn  promises,  their  present  hostility,  and  their 
impious  demands  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  shall  be  taken  off  the  Ne 
braska  Territory,  or  it  shall  not  come  in  ;  and  then  their  abuse  of  the  north 
when  poor  serf  as  she  is,  she  has  tried  to  be  perfect  in  their  service,  and 
has  fallen  but  little  short  of  it. 

And  that  recreant  north,  that,  for  party  power  and  spoils,  has  sold  out 
the  interests  of  humanity  and  freedom,  and  has  permitted  that  fair  trian 
gle  to  become  accursed,  who  is  even  now  slumbering  with  this  question 
impending,  where  slavery  is  again  .attempting  to  carry  the  bulwarks  ot" 
freedom,  who  is  so  faithful  in  fulfilling  her  bad  promises  to  so  false  a  part 
ner. 

But  the  whole  system  of  Compromises,  between  the  north  and  south, 
rests  upon  untenable  grounds.  Demands  are  made  by  the  south,  and  ac 
knowledged  by  the  north,  without  a  particle  of  evidence  or  justice.  The 
Constitution  is  so  construed  by  the  south,  as  to  defeat  all  legislation  which 
could  benefit  the  north,  and  yet  to  pass  every  enactment  which  can  help 
the  south.  Now,  this  is  not  a  national  policy,  and  it  is  far  from  the  course 
intended  by  our  fathers ;  and  the  north  is  as  deeply,  yes,  even  more  deep 
ly  to  blame  than  the  south,  for  the  north  has  had  the  power,  if  she  had 
possessed  the  will,  to  control  this  whole  thing,  and  keep  it  right. 

When  our  Constitution  was  drafted,  slavery  was  an  existing  institution 
in  all  the  colonial  States.  It  was,  however,  looked  upon  as  a  relic  of  bar 
barism  and  cruelty,  which  would  fade  away,  when  brought  in  contact  with 
the  glorious  principles  of  equality  and  freedom,  published  to  the  world  in 
Ahat  document  as  the  sentiments  and  practice  of  this  nation.  But  all  men 
could  not  be  expected  to  be  equally  expeditious  in  washing  their  hands  of 
this  stain.  Circumstances  might  make  it  impossible  to  some  ;  extreme 
laziness,  or  avarice,  or  even  corporeal  lordship,  might  lead  some  to  retain 
their  slaves,  long  afrer  the  intelligent,  generous,  and  Christian,  had  set 
their's  free.  The  Constitution  was  a  voluntary  obligation,  and  it  did  not 
intend  to  bring  even  these  avaricious  men  into  circumstances  where  itself 
should  make  them  personal  losers.  The  Constitution,  therefore,  provided 
for  the  rendition  of  fugitives  ;  but  all  at  that  day,  and  when  they  adopted 
the  Constitution,  all  expected  the  time,  when  the  progress  of  freedom 
would  annul  the  statute  entirely,  and  when  no  man  could  be  found,  so 
avaricious  or  lazy  as  to  continue  a  practice  so  contrary  to  his  own  boast 
ed  theory  of  human  rights. 

The  Constitution  in  the  same  manner,  in  providing   for  the  apportion 
ment  of  districts  for  representation,  would  not  treat  the   slave  sections, 
who  voluntarily  subscribed  to  it   with  such  ri£or,  that  their  slaves  should 
not  be  counted  at  all ;  but  it  did  and  does  make   a  difference  between  the 
slave  and    the   free  black  ;  and   by  making  this  difference,  instead  »f 
warding  slavery,  or  encouraging  it,  the  Constitution  branded  it,  aud  sough 
to  hasten  its  overthrow.     Three  free  blacks  coujit  as  much  as  five  slaves 
in  the  representation  ;  so  that  if  the  south  would  to-day  set  their  slaves 
free,  they  could  gain  in  the  representation  in  Congress  a  full    million  o 
population.     This  is  the  true  state  of  the  case.      The    Constitution  was 
by  no  means,  a  perfect  document ;    it  was  a   platform   upon    which  u 
States  could  stand  confederated  ;  and   it  sought  to  do  as  little  to  cc 
nance  or  encourage  slavery  as  possible;  it  was  intended  to   increase  anU 
encourage  freedom. 

But  how  has  this  Constitution  worked,  and  what  is   it  now  di 
tsach  ? 


48  LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

She  south  coolly  tell  us,  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  an  inseparable 
element  in  our  governmental  organization  and  existence  ;  that  our  fathers 
meant  to  have  it  continue/o/ever,  and  provided  in  the  Constitution  for  the 
giving  up  of  all  fugitives  from  oppression.  We  are  told,  that  the  south 
was  intended  to  stand  upon  an  equality  of  power  with  the  north,  and  that 
representation  was  granted  for  slaves  on  that  account  ;  and  that  now,  as 
freedom  by  the  course  of  nature  outstrips  slavery,  that,  therefore,  the  whole 
effort  of  Government,  by  war,  by  purchase,  by  threatening,  shall  be  ex 
pended  in  increasing  the  territory,  and  strengthening  the  claims  of  the  south. 

Now,  this  action  has  had  some  peculiar  motive  power.  ]t  has  not  sprung 
up  in  a  day.  The  change  from  the  noble  and  real  sentiments  and  hopes 
of  our  fathers  to  those  which  their  degenerate  sons  now  impute  to  them,  has 
been  gradual.  We  can,  however,  date  its  rise  to  the  time,  when  cotton 
first  became  a  staple  production  of  the  south.  The  great  profit  arising 
from  the  labor  of  slaves  in  its  cultivation,  and  the  vast  amount  of  capital 
invested  in  human  flesh,  step  by  step,  led  the  south  to  love  instead  of  hate 
slavery  ;  and  then  to  defend  and  propagate  it ;  and  as,  year  by  year,  this 
profit  and  investment  grew  larger,  the  more  powerful  became  this  deter 
mination.  These  are  the  springs  which  have  moved  the  sentiments  and 
actions  of  the  south,  that  have  made  her  so  imperious  and  insulting  in  her 
demands  and  threats,  and  in  this  has  the  spirit  of  compromise  germinated, 
and  grown  up  to  bear  such  loathsome  fruits. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  itself  was  a  blow  in  the  very  face  of  free 
dom,  which  has  made  her  reel  to  the  present  hour.  Then,  the  north 
should  have  stood  firm,  and  demanded  that  the  principles  which  .the  Fede 
ral  Government  and  the  Constitution  were  intended  to  carry  out,  should 
be  respected  and  fulfilled.  She  should  have  had  no  parley  with  slavery. 
She  ought  to  have  passed  a  system  of  gradual  emancipation  for  Missouri, 
and  given  her  citizens  the  privilege  to  remove  elsewhere,  or,  if  they  chose, 
remain  to  abide  the  action  of  her  laws.  But  no!  the  north  gave  way  to 
the  growing  plague-spot.  The  north  peimittecl  the  south  to  make  one 
conquest,  and  it  is  for  that  reason  thai  the  south  do  not  and  have  not  re 
garded  or  respected  their  own  Missouri  Compromise.  The  north  quailed 
and  faltered,  the  south  learned  the  pusillanimity  of  the  north,  and  profit 
ed  by  it.  She  has  already  made  onset  after  onset  with  success,  and  she 
will  do  it  in  the  future ;  and,  if  the  north  will  bow  her  obsequious  head  a 
little  lower,  she  will  ?oon  be  dragged  onward,  chained  to  the  chariot  wheels 
of  the  south. 

I  When  we  received  lands  from  Mexico,  over  which  laws  prohibitory 
of  slavery  had  been  long  in  full  force,  the  north  should  have  declared, 
that  the  principles  of  our  Republic  demanded  them  to  remain  free  forever. 
But  no  ;  the  south  demanded  that  the  balance  of  power  should  be  kept  up  ! 
What  balance  of  power  ?  What  clause  of  the  Constitution  provides  for 
legislating  one  portion  of  the  Republic  backwards  and  the  other  portion 
forwards  to  keep  them  even  1  New  Mexico  and  Utah  have  also,  by  north 
ern  compromising,  been  placed  as  a  bait  to  southerners,  to  excite  them  to 
extend  the  area  of  human  slavery. 

Again,  the  south  demands  a  new  law  respecting  fugitives,  and  the  north 
grants  a  law,  in  its  spirit  ond  details,  far  beyond  what  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution  ever  dreamed  of.  And  now,  again,  the  south  demands  the 
removal  of  the  Eissouri  Compromise  from  the  beautiful  Nebraska  Terri 
tory.  What  will  the  north  do  ?  Has  she  got  traitors  enough  in  Congress 
5o  betray  the  interests  of  the  north,  of  the  nation,  of  the  world,  for  the  pe 
cuniary  interest  of  a  portion  of  the  south  ?  Ob,  that  the  north  would  see 


ON  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS.  4d 

how  she  has  sjept  at  her  post  !  Our  nation  is  the  beacon  of  freedom  to 
the '.world,  and  the  north  is  the  only  part  of  our  land  that  has  any  freedom, 
either  ot  body  or  mind,  of  tongue,  action,  or  press  !  And  the  north  should 
bring  every  one  of  us  representatives  to  the  ALTAR  of  freedom,  and  make 
them  swear  uncompromising  HATRED  TO  SLAVERY,  AMD  ETERNAL  FIDKLITY 
To  HUMAN  FREEDOM  ;  and,  if  |ie  proves  recreant,  consign  him  to  obscurity 
and  his  name  to  oblivion, 'or  rather  preserve  it  with  the  execration  and 
loathing,  which  embalm  the  memory  of  a  traitor  to  his  country. 

These  Compromises,  as  far  as  the  south  is  concerned,  arise  frorri  ava 
rice,  selfishness,  and  love  of  power;  but  what  do  they  arise  from  on  the 
part  of  the  north  ?  Venality  and  cowardice  !  It  is  a  constant  bidding  for 
the  political  influence  and  friendship  of  the  south,  or  a  constant  fear  of 
her  threatened  action.  Do  you  pretend  that  these  Compromises  are  from 
love  to  the  Union  ?  The  Union  is  valuable  only  as  it  makes  our  nation, 
and  our  nation  is  valuable,  only  as  she  fulfils  a  mission  of  peace,  prosper 
ity,  liberty,  and  Christianity,  to  her  own  people  and  the  world.  ,  And  the 
man  who  truly  loves  his  nation  must  wish  this  blot,  this  stain,  this  curse, 
removed  from  it;  for  we  should  be  firmer,  richer,  and  better  without  it. 
If  ever,  a  man  ought  to  be  brave  when  he  is  in  the  right.  He  should  not 
let  the  bravadoes,  or  the  threats,  or  the  imaginations  of  others,  turn  him 
from  his  duty  ;  if  consequences  of  sorrow  (ollow  from  his  action,  far  bet 
ter  that  his  conduct  had  been  right  than  wrong.  The  south,  for  30  years, 
have  been  threateners, — a  minority  denying  to  a  majority  the  right  either 
of  judgment  or  legislation. 

In  every  instance,  the  south  has  had  a  point  to  carry,  and  she  respect 
fully  begins  thus:  "  We  would  be  pleased  to  have  you  do  thus  and  thus." 
The  north  opposes  strongly  ;  the  voice  of  the  south  rises  ;  "  you  must  do 
thus  and  thus;  we  say,  you  MUST."  Still  the  north  objects.  The  south 
at  last,  with  fierce  gesticulation,  screams,  "  If  you  don't  do  it,  you'll  repent 
the  hour  ;  do  it  now,  or  we  will  do  something  horrible — we  surely  will !— - 
Don't  tempi  our  spirit  too  far — we'll  withdraw  from  the  Union — yes,we'll 
dissolve  the  Union-we'll  have  a  civil  war!''  And  then  the  chivalrous  north 
comes  in,  with  a'timid,  "Oh,  don't — do  not  be  rash  !  Let  us  reflect  a 
little."  The  south  answers,  with  indignation,  "  Think  quick,  or  it  will 
be  too  late — the  exigencies  of  the  times  are  terrible — act  INSTANTLY,  or 
the  Union  goes  to  pieces !"  And  the  north,  with  awry  face,  replies, 
"  That  would  be  a  terrible  calamity  ;  we  do  not  like  your  demands;  but 
WE  can  not  take  the  RESPONSIBILITY  of  dividing  this  "glorious  Union  ;  so 
just  fix  it  to  suit  yourselves,  and  do  be  quiet,  and  not  scare  us  ony  more 
with  such  awful  threats." 

What  contemptible  folly!  What  a  farce  is  our  country  playing  in  the 
face  of  the  world  and  of  posterity  !  Who  ever  heard  of  the  north  threat 
ening  the  division  of  the  Union  ?  Who  ever  heard  of  her  doing  any  thing 
to  injure  slavery?  Where  has  she  ever  appeared  so  dreadful  a  monster, 
that  she  must  be  chained  with  compromises  to  restrain  her  powers  ?  It  is 
madness,  it  is  the  height  of  shame,  cowardice,  and  self-contempt,  for  the 
north  to  stand,  by  the  half  century,  and  be  branded  as  the  disturber  of  the 
nation's  peace,  and  then  admit  before  the  world,  that  SHE  is  THE  ONE  to 
blame,  and  make  the  reparations  due  by  some  one  else.  There  is  a  lie  in 
it;  it  is  perjury  against  one's  fair  fame  and  interests;  it  is  a  scourging  of 
righteousness,  and  a  rewarding  of  sin.  An  hour  will  come,  when  our 
children  will  stand  stapified  with  amazement,  as  they  read  of  the  recrean 
cy  of  the  north  to  her  interests,  and  to  every  noble  principle  of  national 
and  individual  action  ;  and  they,  the  children  of  the  south  as  well  as  the 
D 


50          LETTERS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE, 

north,  will  brand  upon  all  these  compromises  their  true  characters,  craven 
cowardice,  and  inhuman  treachery. 

Hut  what  can  the  north  do  to  retrace  her  steps  ?  There  are  two  things 
now  presented,  which  demand  IMMEDIATE  ACTFOJ* ;  and  they  can  be  right 
ly  settled,  and  will  make  a  good  beginning  for  a  new  course  of  policy. — 
The  first  is,  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  shall  be  inviolate  ;  the  other 
is,  that  the  Pacific  Railroad  shall  be  built  where  right  demands  it,  as  near 
the  straight  line  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco  as  it  can  be  run,  and 
that  it  shall  neither  swerve  to  the  north  or  south  of  that  line,  neither  to 
please  men,  nor  to  save  expense. 

Were  there  in  the  north  the  same  local  feeling,  that  there  is  in 
the  south,  the  same  self-respect,  and  self-reliance,  our  nation  would  have 
been  a  different  nation  from  what  it  is  to-day.  We  should  then  have  had 
a  national,  policy,  while  now  there  is  no  NATIONAL  policy,  but  to  gratify 
foreigners,  and  conciliate  cotton  bales.  No  great  or  noble  work  can  be  un- 
dertaken,by  the  Government,  because  the  South  deems  such  things  uncon 
stitutional.  Our  rivers  can  receive  no  improvements,  the  harbors  no  pro 
tection,  the  lakes  no  lighthouses.  But  it  is  all  right, when  a  President  un 
constitutionally  commences  a  war  to  benefit  the  SOUTH  ;  it  is  all  right  to 
excite  war  in  Cuba,  and  either  buy  or  conquer  it  for  slavery.  Itis  all  right 
to  accept  the  hospitality  of  Mexico,  and  then  violate  her  laws,  and  make 
her  execution  of  those  laws  the  excuse  for  stealing  her  territory  by  force 
of  arms. . 

It  is  the  policy  of 'the  south  to  keep  so  much  work  before  the  nation, 
that  she  shall  spend  all  her  energies  upon  that,  in  order  that  the  repose  of 
the  "  divine  institution  "  be  not  disturbed.  This  is  truly  a  fine,  a  delight 
ful,  a  worthy  policy  for  a  GREAT  nation  !  To  be  forever  legislating  for 
one  locality,  and  that  the  poorest  and  the  meanest,  (according  to  its  ex 
tent,)  of  the  whole  domain.  That  for  her  all  else  should  stand  still;  the 
shuttles  of  the  north  silent,  the  furnaces  of  the  middle  cold,  and  the  ship 
ping  of  the  whole  unprotected. 

I  wish  I  could  ask  every  freeman  of  the  United  States,  "  Has  not  this 
thing  gone  far  enough  ?  Is  it  not  time  that  there  was  a  mighty  change  ? 
When  can  there  be  a  more  auspieious  time  to  commence  a  national  policy, 
and  to  adopt  the  true  policy  of  our  nation;  which  should  be  the  develop 
ment  of  all  our  natural  resources  ;  and,  in  reference  to  slavery,  TO  LET  IT 
ALONE  ;  to  legislate  always  against  its  extension,  but  never  for  its  propaga 
tion;  and  thus  to  carry  out  the  original  intention  of  the  framers  of  our 
Government  ?" 

Nebraska  is  free,  if  the  south  will  respect  the  Missouri  Compromise  ; 
but  make  the  matter  sure — meet  the  question  manfully,  on  the  spot — and 
say  to  slavery,  "  This  Territory  is  free,  and  never  shall  your  blighting 
foot  be  set  upon  it." 

But,  in  reference  to  this  railroad,  what  has  the  United  States  done  for 
the  south,  within  the  last  ten  years  ?  She  has  added  to  her  domain  the 
vast  State  of  Texas,  and  p;ii<i  her  debts  to  the  •amount  of  nearly  15,000,000 
dollars.  For  her  also,  to  defend  this  new  Slate,  or,  in  better  truth,  to  obtain 
still  newer  ones,  she.  has  undertaken  a  war  with  Mexico,  which  has  cost 
more  than  300,000,000  of  money,  arid  for  years  has  been  sustaining,  at  a 
ruinous  expense,  the  main  body  of  her  army  on  the  frontier  of  her  new 
possessions. 

More  than  40,000  lives,  the  demoralization  of  more  than  1,000,000  of 
our  inhabitants  through  the  influence  of  the  returned  army,  th«  withdraw- 
raent  of  so  many  men  from  walks  of  industry  and  usefulness,  and  about 


ON  THi;  PRESENT  CRTSIS.  rtl 

325,000,000  dollars  have  been  spent  for  the  south,  and  the  south  alone  in 
the  last  ten  years  ;  while  ,e  north  and  west  have  hail  small  pittances  doled 
out  to  them,  for  their  er  fig  necessities,  and  that,  after  beg.rir.a  on  their 
knees,  year  after  year  L  obtain  them. 

Now,  enough  will  '  /heard  from  the  south  about  economy,  in  the  new 
road.  They  will  cause  the  Government  to  make  a  very  poor  face  over  this 
great  national  work,  but  look  at  it  one  moment  ! 

^  The  contract  was  offered  to  Congress,  to  build  the  whole  road  at  about 
$35,000  per  mile.  The  road  from  Fort  Leaven  worth  to  Sao  Pranci- 
about  1800  miles  long  ;  but  add  two  hundred  miles  for  tunnelling,  bridg 
ing,  &c.,  and  call  it  2,000  ;•  and,  at  $35,003  per  mile,  it  would  cost 
plete  but  $70,000.000  ;  and  even  pulling  the  cost  of  ihe  mad  ;it  $30.000 
per  mile,  then  2000  miles  would  cost  $100,000,000  ;  and  the  first  year;s 
business  would  pay  for  all  the  cars,  engines,  and  houses,  needed  on  the 
whole  road-  What  if  it  can  be  built  cheaper,  by  5.000,000,  or  even  10, 
000,000,  or  even  20,000.000  dollars,  by  any  other  route  than  ihe  irue  one  ? 
Ought  not  the  north  to  have  it?  Does  not  her  population,  her  vast  pro 
ductions,  her  great  necessities,  her  remoteness  in  every  direction  from  the 
sea,  make  it  hers  in  justice  and  right  ?  I  would  not  wrong  the  south,  but 
I  would  have  the  north  RIGHT  herself.  The  south  has  "no  need  of  that 
railroad  ;  her  domestic  commerce  is  done  by  northern  bottoms.  She  needs 
only  articles  for  her  own  consumption.  The  question  in  building  a  rail 
road  is  no  where,  "  Where  ivill  it  cost  least?"  but  "Where  will  it  pay 
most  ?"  And,  in  this  day  of  straight  lines  and  lightning  speed,  it  is  pue 
rile  and  silly,  that  a  few  millions  of  dollars  should  locate  this  GREAT  ROAD 
of  the  WORLD  out  of  the  line  of  business,  away  from,  its  proper  course.  All 
South  America  lies  open  for  our  commerce,  the  lap  of  Africa  is  full  of  trea 
sures  (or  us  to  obtain,  and  our  whole  Atlantic  commerce,  north  and  south, 
can  find  as  profitable  and  comfortable  work  in  those,  as  in  being  mere 
auxilliaries  lo  the  Chinese  and  East  India  traffic.  The  line  should  go 
north,  from  ocean  to  ocean! 

But  what  can  the  north  do  ?  LetWhigs  and  Democrats  all  feel  and  think 
that,  however  they  may  differ  upon  political  theories  and  plans,  that  there 
should  be  a  national  policy, there  is  a  north  to  be  cared  for  as  well  as  a  south, 
an  interior  as  well  as  a  coast;  that  as,  upon  great  questions.the  political  dis 
tinctione  of  southrons  are  subjected  to  their  southern  policy  and  plans,  so, 
when  great  questions  of  vital  interest  to  the  whole  Union,  and  especially  to 
the  north,  arise,  that  they  as  one  man  should  come  up  to  their  defense,  and 
for  the  time  lay  by  all  party  feelings,  in  order  to  bless  the  nation.  Sooner 
or  later,  we  must  come  to  this.  Had  this  been  the  course  of  this  nation  for 
the  last  30  years,  slavery  would  to-day  have  scarcely  had  a  name.  It  is 
the  true  way  to  help  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Dela-^ 
ware,  to  become  free,  and  join  your  ranks  and  strengthen  your  hands. 

"  But,"  you  ask,  *'  how  can  we  commence?"  Let  public  meetings  be 
called,  by  both  the  political  parties,  in  every  town  and  hamlet  north  of  the 
Ohio  river.  Let  them  thrust  out  from  their  nominations,  and  purge  their 
places  of  trust,  of  EVERT  TIME-SERVING,  SLAVE-ADORING  DOUGHFACE,  and 
let  them  demand  of  their  old  and  new  delegaies,  whether  they  will  vote  for 
the  Wilmot  proviso  for  Nebraska,  and  for  a  railroad,  to  run  either  through 
Bridger's,  or  the  South  Pass. 

Let  ihem  instruct  their  representatives  that,  if  the  south  will  not  pass  the 
Wilmot  proviso  on  Nebraska,  and  thus  re-enact  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
that  they  repeal  all  the  particular prowmons  of  tbe  fugitive  SLAVE  LAW,  and 
let  the  south  catch  her  own  slaves,  without  eitker  assistance  or  hindrance,  as 


52  LETTERS  FOR 

they  did  before  the  act.     And  let  Congres  'd  the  freedom  or' 

the  4,588  slaves,  now  in  (he  Ha  If- breed  T.  -as  added  uncon 

stitutionally  to  Missouri,  in  ] 836,  and  let  it  iclaimed  free. 

Think  not  that  Iain  an  abolitionist.,      1  hav  no  sympathy 

with  their  feelings,  plans,  or  actions  ;  but  I  lov  rsofaoatiou 

administered  on  a  basis  of  equality,  and  I  hate  >  ivcin  doing 

evil,  and  strengthening  the  woes  of  oar  nation,  \\  -cream  and 

cowardly  in  doing  right,  and  bringing  blessings  i< 

Such  a  course  of  action,  anil  upon  these  two  get  qu  ^i.ons,  would  es 
tablish  a  basis  and  form  a  precedent  for  the  future.  .  would  help  each 
party  to  stop  the  increasing  debauchery  which  is  pervading  them.  They 
could,  by  pausing  and  making  a  new  start,  from  a  point  where  they  should 
have  stood  years  ago,  cast  out  the  bias  of  southern  influence  and  fear,  which 
has  so  long  governed  their  national  councils  and  elections.  The  south 
would  learn,  then,  that  the  United  Slates  elected  her  Presidents  without 
her  dictation;  thai  the  United  States' Congress  ruled  to  bless  the  nation, 
and  not  alone  to  uphold  shivery;  and  never,  until  that  time  shall  come, 
can  the  nation  prosper,  or  advance  in  her  full  strength  to  influence,  useful 
ness,  and  glory. 

I  would  that  I  could  raise  my  voice  until  it  could  reach  every  northern 
ear,  to  invite  the  shoemaker  with  his  last,  the  tailor  with  his  shears,  the 
carpenter  with  his  plane,  the  blacksmith  with  his  sledge,  the  engineer  with 
his  locomotive,  the  surveyor  with  his  compass,  the  physician  with  his 
chemicals,  the  lawyerwith  his  brief,  and  the  minister  with  his  Bible,  to 
cotne  into  this  growing  State  of  Missouri,  and  help  to  turn  the  scale  for 
freedom,  or  to  go  into  the  beautiful  Nebraska,  and  help  to  lay  the  first 
foundations  of  a  noble  State, — the  central  State  of  this  noble  Union. 

Yours  truly. 


Please  preserve  this  document.  Read  it  yourself — talk  about 
it — write  about  it — hand  it  to  your  successor  in  office — lend  it 
to  your  neighbor !  Give  it  as  extensive  a  circulation  as  possible* 


